Meine Untersuchungen zeigen, dass wichtige Spiele in dieser Zeit mit den politischen Spannungen zusammenfielen und Teil des Streits wurden. Das Spiel wurde zu einer Demonstration angestauter Emotionen gegen den Westen: Fans verbrannten italienische Fahnen und sangen antiwestliche Slogans.
Die Partie zeigte die politischen Probleme wie unter einer Lupe. Das gab es immer wieder in den neunziger Jahren. Bei Evrens Vortrag blieb es ruhig.
Man erhoffte sich Geheimnisse von ihm. Und Derwall agierte als Berater. Spieler wie Pepe von Real Madrid haben bei Besiktas angeheuert. Turkeys conflictuous ties in football and sports with Europe and the West. An interview with Can Evren, Anthropologist and researcher. Gerner: You suggest that there is a link between the Turkish football and political popular anti-Westernism in Turkey.
How did this come into being?
These clubs started purchasing internationally renowned players and trainers like George Hagi and Jay Jay Okocha in In this process, Galatasaray led the way for a series of unprecedented winning streaks in the UEFA tournaments. Parallel to this, the Turkish national team qualified for the first time for Euros in , went up to the Euros Quarter Finals in , and won third place in World Cup. My research suggests that in these fifteen years in Turkish football, the increase of success and close defeats against UEFA rivals in Europe fueled anti-Westernist myths of Turkish nationalism.
These games are the most watched and receive the highest attendance and emotions. The most recent case happened last year. The more money went into Turkish football in the s and the s, the stakes of UEFA tournaments became higher. Closing the gap with Europe was expressed from fans by mass celebrations on the street and slogans about Turkey becoming the powerful Ottoman Empire and conquering Europe again. This equation is not very explicit and war-like before the s. For the next twenty years EU accession was the major agenda of Turkish politics.
The twelve years from to was full of dialogue but also of tensions between Turkey and the EU. Turkish soldiers and PKK militants died in big numbers.
UEFA achievements of Galatasaray and of the national team in the s overlapped with the increasing place of the EU in Turkish political debates. Gerner: In how far did the Kurdish conflict play into this?
At the time, there were anti-Italy boycotts and burning of Italian flags in Turkey. The football match magnified the situation and the game turned into an occasion for intense anti-Italian demonstrations across Turkey. When the Italian team did not want to play the game in Istanbul under such conditions, the media once again accused the UEFA for their anti-Turkish bias and for siding with Juventus.
Also, after , many Kurdish and left-wing activists took asylum in Europe and some of these diaspora activists used Galatasaray or national matches in Switzerland, Germany, England, or Finland as occasions for protest. For example in June , when Turkey played Finland in Helsinki, the game overlapped with a crucial Turkey-EU meeting in Cologne and Kurdish protestors stormed the pitch with PKK flags and demanded freedom for Ocalan who was captured in Kenya a few months ago.
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To what, exactly, are we inviting new entrants to the EU to integrate? The past fifty years of migration are a story of mixed success. In a world of hectic mobility and change, we will need to be more confident of our own values and the boundaries we set. The prospect of Turkish accession is a welcome opportunity to revisit these questions. The debacle surrounding the No votes in France and the Netherlands on the EU Constitution in May and June this year show that voters in those countries are unhappy with the way their governments are handling this rapid change.
The real discontent and confusion seems tied more to migration and identity issues at a general rather than to any specific aversion toward Turks and Turkey. This may be explained by the low levels of unemployment in Britain and the heterogeneity of the Turkish-speaking ethnic group in this country. Many British Turks were granted full citizenship a long time ago, and the vast majority speak English.
History will not judge us kindly if we fail to treat Turkey with respect, and — in so doing — signal to our own ethnic minorities that we have little faith in their capacity to integrate, or of others to follow them. What will future generations say about us if we turn our backs now, with so much at stake, and so much to gain, on the best Muslim friend we have? To read the paper in full, visit The Foreign Policy Centre website.