Individuals perceptible sociology (Japanese Edition)

Introduction to Sociology, 9th Edition
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Tears result from strong feeling—mostly from painful feeling, but also from pleasurable feeling when extreme. Hence, as a sign of joy, weeping occasionally passes into a complimentary observance. To these examples of the ways in which natural manifestations of emotion originate ceremonies, may be added a few examples of the ways in which ceremonies not originating directly from spontaneous actions, nevertheless originate by natural sequence rather than by intentional symbolization.

Brief indications must suffice. A like way of establishing brotherhood is used in Madagascar, in Borneo, and in many places throughout the world; and it was used among our remote ancestors. This is assumed Edition: current; Page: [ 21 ] to be a symbolic observance. Similarly with the ceremony of exchanging names.

The Australians exchange names with Europeans, in proof of brotherly feeling. This, which is a widely-diffused practice, arises from the belief that the name is vitally connected with its owner. Let the traditions of cannibalism among the Samoans disappear, and this surviving custom of presenting firewood, leaves, and knives, as a sign of submission, would, in pursuance of the ordinary method of interpretation, Edition: current; Page: [ 22 ] be taken for an observance arbitrarily fixed upon. The facts that peace is signified among the Dacotahs by burying the tomahawk and among the Brazilians by a present of bows and arrows, may be cited as illustrating what is in a sense symbolization, but what is in origin a modification of the proceeding symbolized; for cessation of fighting is necessitated by putting away weapons, or by giving weapons to an antagonist.

If, as among the civilized, a conquered enemy delivers up his sword, the act of so making himself defenceless is an act of personal submission; but eventually it comes to be, on the part of a general, a sign that his army surrenders. An instructive example comes next. I refer to the bearing of green boughs as a sign of peace, as an act of propitiation, and as a religious ceremony.

In some cases we find them employed to signify not peace only but submission. A statement of Wallis respecting the Tahitians shows presentation of these parts of trees passing into a religious observance: a pendant left flying on the beach the natives regarded with fear, bringing green boughs and hogs, which they laid down at the foot of the staff. And that portion of a tree was anciently an appliance of worship in the East, is shown by the direction in Lev. Obviously the reason is that opposite intentions are thus negatived.

But how is the absence of weapons to be shown when so far off that weapons, if carried, are invisible? Simply by carrying other things which are visible; and boughs covered with leaves are the most convenient and generally available things for this purpose. Good evidence is at hand. The Tasmanians had a way of deceiving those who inferred from the green boughs in their hands that they were weaponless. Edition: current; Page: [ 24 ] Taken as proof that the advancing stranger is without arms, the green bough is primarily a sign that he is not an enemy.

It is thereafter joined with other marks of friendship.

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It survives when propitiation passes into submission. And so it becomes incorporated with various other actions which express reverence and worship.

One more instance I must add, because it clearly shows how there grow up interpretations of ceremonies as artificially-devised actions, when their natural origins are unknown. If the happy husband wishes to be considered a man worth having, he must receive the chastisement with an expression of enjoyment; in which case the crowds of women in admiration again raise their thrilling cry. These facts are not given as adequately proving that in all cases ceremonies are modifications of actions which had at first direct adaptations to desired ends, and that their apparently symbolic characters result from their survival under changed circumstances.

Here I have aimed only to indicate, in the briefest way, the reasons for rejecting the current hypothesis that ceremonies originate in conscious symbolization; and for entertaining the belief that in every Edition: current; Page: [ 25 ] case they originate by evolution. This belief we shall hereafter find abundantly justified. A chief reason why little attention has been paid to phenomena of this class, all-pervading and conspicuous though they are, is that while to most social functions there correspond structures too large to be overlooked, functions which make up ceremonial control have correlative structures so small as to seem of no significance.

That the government of observances has its organization, just as the political and ecclesiastical governments have, is a fact habitually passed over, because, while the last two organizations have developed the first has dwindled: in those societies, at least, which have reached the stage at which social phenomena become subjects of speculation.

Originally, however, the officials who direct the rites expressing political subordination have an importance second only to that of the officials who direct religious rites; and the two officialisms are homologous. To whichever class belonging, these functionaries conduct propitiatory acts: the visible ruler being the propitiated person in the one case, and the ruler no longer visible being the propitiated person in the other case.

Both are performers and regulators of worship—worship of the living king and worship of the dead king. In our advanced stage the differentiation of the divine from the human has become so great that this proposition looks scarcely credible. But on going back through stages in which the attributes of the conceived deity are less and less unlike those of the visible man, and eventually reaching the early stage in which the other-self of the dead man, considered indiscriminately as ghost and god, is not to be distinguished, when he appears, from the living man; we cannot fail to see the alliance in nature between the functions of those who minister to the ruler who has gone away and those who minister to the ruler who has taken his place.

What remaining strangeness there may seem in Edition: current; Page: [ 26 ] this assertion of homology disappears on remembering that in sundry ancient societies living kings were literally worshipped as dead kings were. Social organisms that are but little differentiated clearly show us several aspects of this kinship. The savage chief proclaims his own great deeds and the achievements of his ancestors; and that in some cases this habit of self-praise long persists, Egyptian and Assyrian inscriptions prove.

Among the Patagonians we see a transition beginning. When he is eloquent, he is greatly esteemed; and when a cacique is not endowed with that accomplishment, he generally has an orator, who supplies his place. As the ruler, extending his dominions and growing in power, gathers round him more numerous agents, the utterance of propitiatory praises, at first by all of these, becomes eventually distinctive of certain among them: there arise official glorifiers.

In kindred fashion a Yoruba king, when he goes abroad, is accompanied by his wives, who sing his praises. In societies that have their ceremonial governments largely developed, the homology is further shown. As such societies ordinarily have many gods of various powers, severally served by their official glorifiers; so they have various grades of living potentates, severally served by man who assert their greatness and demand respect.

In many places where regal power is extreme, the monarch is either invisible or cannot be directly communicated with: the living ruler thus simulating the dead and divine ruler, and requiring kindred intermediators. It was thus among the ancient Assyrians. Their monarch could be spoken to only through the Vizier or the chief eunuch. It was thus in ancient Mexico. Of Montezuma II. But a chief replied to what the captain had said. There is a further evidence of this homology. Where, along with social development considerably advanced, ancestor-worship has remained dominant, and where gods and men are consequently but little differentiated, the two organizations are but little differentiated.

Equally marked were, until lately, the kindred relations in Japan. With the sacredness of the Mikado, and with his god-like inaccessibility, travellers have familiarized us; but the implied confusion between the divine and the human went to a much greater extent. They are led to think that the emperor rules over all, and that, among other subordinate powers, he rules over the spirits of the country.

He rules over men, and is to them the fountain of honour; and this is not confined to honours in this world, but is extended to the other, where they are advanced from rank to rank by the orders of the emperor. Western peoples, among whom during the Christian era differentiation of the divine from the human has become very decided, exhibit in a less marked manner the homology between the ceremonial organization and the ecclesiastical organization.

Still it is, or rather was once, clearly traceable. In feudal days, beyond the lord high chamberlains, grand masters of ceremonies, ushers, and so forth, belonging to royal courts, and the kindred officers found in the households of subordinate rulers and nobles officers who conducted propitiatory observances , there were the heralds.

These formed a class of ceremonial functionaries, in various ways resembling a priesthood.

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Into these ranks successively, its members were initiated by a species of baptism—wine being substituted for water. They held periodic chapters in the church of St. When bearing mandates and messages, they were similarly dressed with their masters, royal or noble, and were similarly honoured by those to whom they were sent: having thus a deputed dignity akin to the deputed sacredness of priests. By the chief king-at-arms and five others, local visitations were made for discipline, as ecclesiastical visitations were made. Similar, if less elaborate, was the system in England.

Further development produced a garter king-at-arms, with provincial kings-at-arms presiding over minor heraldic officers; and, in , all were incorporated into the College of Heralds. As in France, visitations were made for the purpose of verifying existing titles and honours, and authorizing others; and funeral rites were so far under heraldic control that, among the nobility, no one could be buried without the assent of the herald.

Why these structures which discharged ceremonial functions once conspicuous and important, dwindled, while civil and ecclesiastical structures developed, it is easy to see. Propitiation of the living has been, from the outset, necessarily more localized than propitiation of the dead. The existing ruler can be worshipped only in his presence, or, at any rate, within his dwelling or in its neighbourhood. But when the great man dies and there begins the fear of his ghost, conceived as able to reappear anywhere, propitiations are less narrowly localized; and in proportion as, with formation of larger societies, there comes development of deities greater in supposed power and range, dread of them and reverence for them are felt simultaneously over wide areas.

Hence the official propitiators, multiplying and spreading, severally carry on their worships in many places at the same time—there arise large bodies of ecclesiastical officials. Not for these reasons alone, however, does the ceremonial organization fail to grow as the other organizations do. Development of the latter, causes decay of Edition: current; Page: [ 33 ] the former. During early stages of social integration, local rulers have their local courts with appropriate officers of ceremony; but the process of consolidation and increasing subordination to a central government, results in decreasing dignity of the local rulers, and disappearance of the official upholders of their dignity.

Political and ecclesiastical regulations, though at first insisting mainly on conduct expressing obedience to rulers, human and divine, develop more and more in the directions of equitable restraints on conduct between individuals, and ethical precepts for the guidance of such conduct; and in doing this they trench more and more on the sphere of the ceremonial organization.

In England, too, certain civil duties were discharged by these officers of ceremony. These became records in all the courts at law. Before passing to a detailed account of ceremonial government under its various aspects, it will be well to sum up the results of this preliminary survey.

They are these. That control of conduct which we distinguish as ceremony, precedes the civil and ecclesiastical controls. It begins with sub-human types of creatures; it occurs among otherwise ungoverned savages; it often becomes highly developed where the other kinds of rule are little developed; it is ever being spontaneously generated afresh between individuals in all societies; and it envelops the more definite restraints which State and Church exercise.

The primitiveness of ceremonial regulation is further shown by the fact that at first, political and religious regulations are little more than systems of ceremony, directed towards particular persons living and dead: the code of law joined with the one, and the moral code joined with the other, coming later. There is again the evidence derived from the possession of certain elements in common by the three controls, social, political, and religious; for the forms observable in social intercourse occur also in political and religious intercourse as forms of homage and forms of worship.

More significant still is the circumstance that ceremonies may mostly be traced back to certain spontaneous acts which manifestly precede legislation, civil and ecclesiastical. Instead of arising by dictation or by agreement, which would imply the pre-established organization required for making and enforcing rules, they arise by modifications of acts performed for personal ends; and so prove themselves to grow out of individual conduct before social arrangements exist to control it.

Lastly we note that when there arises a political head, who, demanding subordination, is at first his own master of the ceremonies, and who presently Edition: current; Page: [ 35 ] collects round him attendants whose propitiatory acts are made definite and fixed by repetition, there arise ceremonial officials. Though, along with the growth of organizations which enforce civil laws and enunciate moral precepts, there has been such a decay of the ceremonial organization as to render it among ourselves inconspicuous; yet in early stages the body of officials who conduct propitiation of living rulers, supreme and subordinate, homologous with the body of officials who conduct propitiation of dead apotheosized rulers, major and minor, is a considerable element of the social structure; and it dwindles only as fast as the structures, political and ecclesiastical, which exercise controls more definite and detailed, usurp its functions.

Carrying with us these general conceptions, let us now pass to the several components of ceremonial rule. Efficiency of every kind is a source of self-satisfaction; and proofs of it are prized as bringing applause. The sportsman, narrating his feats when opportunity serves, keeps such spoils of the chase as he conveniently can. Is he a fisherman? Then, occasionally, the notches cut on the butt of his rod, show the number and lengths of his salmon; or, in a glass case, there is preserved the great Thames-trout he once caught.

Has he stalked deer? Trophies of such kinds, even among ourselves, give to their owner some influence over those around him. A vague kind of governing power accrues to him. Naturally, by primitive men, whose lives are predatory and whose respective values largely depend on their powers as hunters, animal-trophies are still more prized; and tend, in greater degrees, to bring honour and influence. Hence the fact that rank in Vate is indicated by the number Edition: current; Page: [ 37 ] of bones of all kinds suspended in the house.

But as, among the uncivilized and semi-civilized, human enemies are more to be feared than beast-enemies, and conquests over men are therefore occasions of greater triumphs than conquests over animals, it results that proofs of such conquests are usually still more valued. A brave who returns from battle does not get honour if his boasts are unsupported by evidence; but if he proves that he has killed his man by bringing back some part of him—especially a part which the corpse could not yield in duplicate—he raises his character in the tribe and increases his power.

Preservation of such trophies with a view to display, and consequent strengthening of personal influence, therefore becomes an established custom. The meaning of trophy-taking and its social effects, being recognized, let us consider in groups the various forms of it. Of parts cut from the bodies of the slain, heads are among the commonest; probably as being the most unmistakable proofs of victory. We need not go far afield for examples of the practice and its motives. The most familiar of books contains them. In Judges vii. The practice existed in Egypt too.

And if, by races so superior, heads were taken home as trophies, we shall not wonder at finding the custom of thus taking them among inferior races all over the globe. The last instance draws attention to the fact that this barbarous custom has been, and is, carried to the greatest extremes along with militancy the most excessive. Among ancient examples there are the doings of Timour, with his exaction of ninety thousand heads from Bagdad. Of modern examples the most notable comes from Dahomey. But now, ending instances, let us observe how this taking of heads as trophies initiates a means of strengthening political power; how it becomes a factor in sacrificial ceremonies; and how it enters into social intercourse as a controlling influence.

That the pyramids and towers of heads built by Timour at Bagdad and Aleppo, must have conduced to his supremacy by striking terror into the subjugated, as well as by exciting dread of vengeance for insubordination among his followers, cannot be doubted; and that living in a dwelling paved and decorated with skulls, Edition: current; Page: [ 40 ] implies, in a Dahoman king, a character generating fear among enemies and obedience among subjects, is obvious. And that they do this we have definite proof in the fact that among the Mundrucus, the possession of ten smoke-dried heads of enemies renders a man eligible to the rank of chief.

That heads are offered in propitiation of the dead, and that the ceremony of offering them is thus made part of a quasi-worship, there are clear proofs. One is supplied by the Celebes people just named. These are used in certain ceremonies performed at the funerals of the chiefs, and it is always after the death of one of their Rajahs that these incursions occur. That the possession of these grisly tokens of success gives an influence in social intercourse, proof is yielded by the following passage from St.

The head of an enemy is of inconvenient bulk; and when the journey home is long there arises the question—cannot proof that an enemy has been killed be given by carrying back a part only? In some places the savage infers that it can, and acts on the inference. A recent account of another Papuan race inhabiting Boigu, on the coast of New Guinea, further illustrates the practice, and also its social effect.

The jawbone is consequently held as the most valued trophy, and the more a man possesses, the greater he becomes in the eyes of his fellow-men. With the display of jaws as trophies, there may be named a kindred use of teeth.

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America furnishes instances. Other parts of the head, easily detached and carried, also serve. Anciently, by Constantine V. The ancient Mexicans, having for gods their deified cannibal ancestors, in whose worship the most horrible rites were daily performed, in some cases took as trophies the entire skins of the vanquished. The soldier who had captured him dressed himself in his bleeding skin, and thus, for some days, served the god of battles.

He who was dressed in the skin walked from one temple to another; men and women followed him, shouting for joy. There is further evidence that this was the intention. Usually, however, the skin-trophy is relatively small: the requirement being simply that it shall be one of which the body yields no duplicate. The origin of it is well shown by the following description of a practice among the Abipones.

They preserve the heads of enemies, and. That Abipon who has most of these skins at home, excels the rest in military renown. Evidently, however, the whole skin is not needful to prove previous possession of a head. The part covering the crown, distinguished from other parts by the arrangement of its hairs, serves the purpose. Hence is suggested scalping. Tales of Indian life have so far familiarized us with this custom that examples are needless.

But one piece of evidence, supplied by the Shoshones, may be named; because it clearly shows the use of the trophy as an accepted evidence of victory—a kind of legal proof regarded as alone conclusive. We read that. To kill your adversary is of no importance unless the scalp is brought from the field of battle, and were a warrior to slay any number of his enemies in action, and others were to obtain the scalps, or first touch the dead, they would have all the honours, since they have borne off the trophy.

Though we usually think of scalp-taking in connexion with the North American Indians, yet it is not restricted to them. Herodotus describes the Scythians as scalping their conquered enemies; and at the present time the Nagas of the Indian hills take scalps and preserve them. Preservation of hair alone, as a trophy, is less general; doubtless because the evidence of victory which it yields is inconclusive: one head might supply hair for two trophies. Among easily-transported parts carried home to prove victory, may next be named hands and feet.

They also plucked out and carefully preserved the eyes of the slain. In one case, indeed, I find the distinction noted. This last instance introduces us to yet another kind of Edition: current; Page: [ 45 ] trophy. Along with the heap of hands thus laid before the king, there is represented a phallic heap; and an accompanying inscription, narrating the victory of Meneptah I. And here a natural transition brings us to trophies of an allied kind, the taking of which, once common, has continued in the neighbourhood of Egypt down to modern times.

The great significance of the account Bruce gives of a practice among the Abyssinians, must be my excuse for quoting part of it. He says:—. If he has killed more than one man, so many more times he returns. After this ceremony is over, each man takes his bloody conquest, and retires to prepare it in the same manner the Indians do their scalps. The whole army. Associated with the direct motive for taking trophies there is an indirect motive, which probably aids considerably in developing the custom. When treating of primitive ideas, we saw that the unanalytical mind of the savage thinks the qualities of any object beside in all its parts; and that, among others, the qualities of human beings are thus conceived by him.

From this we found there arise such customs as swallowing parts of the bodies of dead relatives, or their ground bones in water, with the view of inheriting their virtues; devouring the heart of a slain brave to gain his courage, or his eyes in the expectation of seeing further; avoiding the flesh of certain timid animals, lest their timidity should be acquired.

A further implication of this belief that the spirit of each person is diffused throughout him, is, that possession of a part of his body gives possession of a part of his spirit, and, consequently, a power over his spirit: one corollary being that anything done to a preserved part of a corpse is done to the corresponding part of the ghost; and that thus a ghost may be coerced by maltreating a relic.

Besides proving victory over an enemy, the trophy therefore serves for the subjugation of his ghost; and that possession of it is, at any rate in some cases, supposed to make his ghost a slave, we have good evidence. The primitive belief everywhere found, that the doubles of men and animals slain at the grave, accompany the double of the deceased, to serve him in the other world—the belief which leads here to the immolation of wives, who are to manage the future household of the departed, there to the sacrifice of horses needed to carry him on his journey after death, Edition: current; Page: [ 47 ] and elsewhere to the killing of dogs as guides; is a belief which, in many places, initiates the kindred belief that, by placing portions of bodies on his tomb, the men and animals they belonged to are made subject to the deceased.

Concerning the Osages, Mr. Their notion was that by taking an enemy and suspending his scalp over the grave of a deceased friend, the spirit of the victim became subjected to the spirit of the buried warrior in the land of spirits. A collateral development of trophy-taking, which eventually has a share in governmental regulation, must not be forgotten. I refer to the display of parts of the bodies of criminals. In our more advanced minds the enemy, the criminal, and the slave, are well discriminated; but they are little discriminated by the primitive man.

Almost or quite devoid as he is of the feelings and ideas we call moral—holding by force whatever he owns, wresting from a weaker man the woman or other object he has possession of, killing his own child without hesitation if it is an incumbrance, or his wife if she offends him, and sometimes proud of being a recognized killer of his fellow-tribesmen; the savage has no distinct ideas of right and wrong in the abstract. The immediate pleasures or pains they give are his sole reasons for classing things and acts as good or bad.

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Hence hostility, and the injuries he suffers from it, excite in him the same feeling whether the aggressor is without the tribe or within it: the enemy and the felon are undistinguished. This confusion, now seeming Edition: current; Page: [ 48 ] strange to us, we shall understand better on remembering that even in early stages of civilized nations, the family-groups which formed the units of the national group, were in large measure independent communities, standing to one another on terms much like those on which the nation stood to other nations.

They had their small blood-feuds as the nation had its great blood-feuds. Each family-group was responsible to other family-groups for the acts of its members, as each nation to other nations for the acts of its citizens. Vengeance was taken on innocent members of a sinning family, as vengeance was taken on innocent citizens of a sinning nation. And thus in various ways the inter-family aggressor answering to the modern criminal , stood in a like relative position with the inter-national aggressor.

Hence the naturalness of the fact that he was similarly treated. And since Strabo, writing of the Gauls and other northern peoples, says that the heads of foes slain in battle were brought back and sometimes nailed to the chief door of the house, while, up to the time of the Salic law, the heads of slain private foes were fixed on stakes in front of it; we have evidence that identification of the public and the private foe was associated with the practice of taking trophies from them both.

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A kindred alliance is traceable in the usages of the Jews. It may, then, be reasonably inferred that display of Edition: current; Page: [ 49 ] executed felons on gibbets, or their heads on spikes, originates from the bringing back of trophies taken from slain enemies. Though usually a part only of the slain enemy is fixed up, yet sometimes the whole body is; as when the dead Saul, minus his head, was fastened by the Philistines to the wall of Bethshan. Though no direct connexion exists between trophy-taking and ceremonial government, the foregoing facts reveal such indirect connexions as to make it needful to note the custom.

It enters as a factor into the three forms of control—social, political, and religious. As political control evolves, trophy-taking becomes in several ways instrumental to the maintenance of authority. Beyond the awe felt for the chief whose many trophies show his powers of destruction, there comes the greater Edition: current; Page: [ 50 ] awe which, on growing into a king with subordinate chiefs and dependent tribes, he excites by accumulating the trophies others take on his behalf; rising into dread when he exhibits in numbers the relics of slain rulers. As the practice assumes this developed form, the receipt of such vicariously-taken trophies passes into a political ceremony.

The heap of hands laid before an ancient Egyptian king, served to propitiate; as now serves the mass of jawbones sent by an Ashantee captain to the court. Nor is it thus only that a political effect results. There is the governmental restraint produced by fixing up the bodies or heads of the insubordinate and the felonious.

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edition of Feminism in Japan, comprising 12 volumes, was published (Inoue et al. , ). of the impact of gender research on Japanese sociology. . mainstream social theory in becoming the specialty of a limited number of individuals. .. publications on gender and sociology appeared in noticeable. individuals in modern society is formal and abstract. character, but by his perceptible traits, such as the when my thesis on 'The Standard of Living in Japan' was published by the 3 H. P. Sherman, Practical Economics, (-nd. ed.), p.

Though offering part of a slain enemy to propitiate a ghost, does not enter into what is commonly called religious ceremonial, yet it obviously so enters when the aim is to propitiate a god developed from an ancestral ghost. This inference is verified on seeing similarly used other kinds of spoils. Because of inferences to be hereafter drawn, one remaining general truth must be named, though it is so obvious as to seem scarcely worth mention. Trophy-taking is directly related to militancy. It begins during a primitive life that is wholly occupied in fighting men and animals; it develops with the growth of conquering societies in which perpetual wars generate the militant type of structure; it diminishes as growing industrialism more and more substitutes productive activities for destructive activities; and complete industrialism necessitates entire cessation of it.

The chief significance of trophy-taking, however, has yet to be pointed out. The reason for here dealing with it, though in itself scarcely to be classed as a ceremony, is that it furnishes us with the key to numerous ceremonies prevailing all over the world among the uncivilized and semicivilized. From the practice of cutting off and taking away portions of the dead body, there grows up the practice of cutting off portions of the living body. Facility of exposition will be gained by approaching indirectly the facts and conclusions here to be set forth.

When the Athenians applied for help against the Spartans, after the attack of Kleomenes, a confession of subordination was demanded in return for the protection asked; and the confession was made by sending earth and water. A like act has a like meaning in Fiji. This giving a part instead of giving the whole, where the whole cannot be mechanically handed over, will perhaps be instanced as a symbolic ceremony; though, even in the absence of any further interpretation, we may say that it approaches as nearly to actual transfer as the nature of the case permits.

We are not, however, obliged to regard this ceremony as artificially devised. We may affiliate it upon a simpler ceremony which at once elucidates it, and is elucidated by it. I refer to surrendering a part of the body as implying surrender of the whole. They all docked their tails. If we carry our inquiry a step back, however, we shall find a clue to its natural derivation. Share This Flashcard Set Close. Please sign in to share these flashcards. We'll bring you back here when you are done. Sign in Don't have an account?

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Upgrade Cancel. Study your flashcards anywhere! How to study your flashcards. Play button. Card Range To Study through. In preindustrial society, which of the following is a common form of "culture? Therefore evaluating the degree of precariousness from an external point of view is often a difficult task, and the outcomes are highly subjective. Although I do not support the notion that happiness is implicitly connected to a high material status and vice versa , I believe that the social consequences of poverty should not be neglected in this exploration.

Generally speaking, those who do not reach, or who withdraw from attaining the material status of the dominating class in any society are discriminated against, as their way of life significantly differs from the mainstream. In Japan poverty additionally means living with the stigma of personal failure, as equality of opportunity in terms of upward mobility through individual effort is an integral part of the normative ideology of the socio-economic process in Japan.

Poverty therefore is generally seen as 'the legitimate consequence of a fault in individual moral behaviour' Vij In recent years the concept of a 'homogenous middle class society' is being contested in the sociological discourse on Japan, [3] and the valuation of alternative lifestyles has been changing: 'Increasingly, other Japanese resist or cannot meet established norms for membership in "mainstream society". They are dissatisfied with the status quo and refuse to conform to the cultural categories of employee, husband, wife, Japanese citizen, etc' Stevens 16, Schad-Seifert Nevertheless, the discrimination against those at the very bottom of society still prevails, and the situation of the precariat is aggravated as they not only suffer from material deficits but also discrimination and even social exclusion.

Group membership e. As a consequence, if an individual cannot establish membership he or she may suffer from personal and social deprivation, as 'poverty connotes not simply the lack of material goods, but rather the absence of the possibility for recognition of self that comes from being incorporated' Hegel, cited in Vij Already during the s, after the oil-shocks an increasing casualization of labor could be observed in Japan's growing service sector, as more and more women participated in the labor force as flexible part-timers Tachibanaki The recent increase in casualization however, which now also affects male full-time workers, is often seen as a consequence of structural changes in the Japanese economy after the burst of the bubble economy and the Heisei recession [4] and the process of globalization Japan Housing Council 15, This includes for example a continuing process of outsourcing by larger companies, putting many smaller and medium-sized sub-contractors in jeopardy.

Notably, since , the number of businesses declined continuously; between and by as much as 5. In order to survive and to compete on an international level, businesses have reduced cost by employing a 'more complex or sophisticated mix of employees who are more differentiated and specialized than in the past and have shorter turnaround time' Mouer and Kawanishi As a consequence, a large number of employees were laid off and regular jobs were converted into inexpensive temporary ones. Although between and the number of mostly male regular employees shrank by 1. Thus, the competition for the best and most secure jobs has intensified and those with lower qualifications find it harder and harder to sustain their position in the labor market.

Although education now no longer is a guarantee for secure employment, [5] still only those with the highest educational background have a chance of competing for the most highly esteemed jobs with the best prospects, salaries, benefits, pension schemes and security in the larger companies. Other workers and high school graduates who do not count as members of the elite have to accept less favorable conditions, according to their 'market value' Tachibanaki As a consequence, many high school graduates who previously could expect to find full-time jobs now have to settle with becoming temporary or irregular employees.

Other aspects of this structural exclusion from certain jobs in the labor market will be discussed in detail in regard to day laborers and freeters. In addition, significant problems within the Japanese social security system can be identified as underlying reasons for rising precariousness. The foundation of the current social security system was laid in , when Prime Minister Ohira revoked previous, western-style, welfare policies by presenting the concept of the so-called 'Japanese welfare society' Nihongata fukushi shakai.

Its fundamental idea was the reduction of costs by returning to the more traditional informal Japanese family-centred welfare zaitaku fukushi and neighbourhood council jichikai [6] systems where every citizen is responsible for caring for themselves, their family and neighbours. In contrast to many European countries, the social welfare concept in Japan is built on the ideology that a possibility for reliance on the state would create weak individuals and likewise, making the Japanese rely on themselves would strengthen their personalities Vij This means as a consequence that those who are, and even if only theoretically, able to support themselves through work, are excluded from public support.

But even for those who are eligible, access to public support is limited by high bureaucratic hurdles and challenging obligations. At the same time, there is reluctance to ask for aid, since the stigma of 'asking for help from the state is immense and 'the community tends to regard public assistance as a dependence on charity at the public expense' Vij ; Guzewicz ; Aoki It is estimated that, while only one fourth of all eligible Japanese actually receive public support, Japan invests less than 1 per cent of national income on welfare Vij Still, the rate of households receiving welfare payments rose by 70 per cent during the last decade to 1.

Those possibly living under the most precarious conditions in Japan are the homeless, whose typical and mostly illegal shelters made from blue plastic sheets can be found in parks, under highway bridges, and in train stations in nearly every Japanese city. Those who are homeless are not only deprived of economic security, they often lack emotional stability and physical well-being, too.

Furthermore, they experience a total absence of privacy Somerville Homelessness, therefore, does not only mean lacking shelter or a place to live; it also involves the absence of normal patterns of social relations. What has disturbed many scholars is that the number of homeless people in Japanese urban areas has been rising disproportionately for the past 15 years and Japanese welfare organizations estimate that the number of people living on the streets has increased fivefold within the past few years alone.

However, by the nature of their conditions, it is hard to 'count' the homeless, and the numbers cited vary significantly according to different sources. In addition, when comparing homelessness statistics on an international level, one must not overlook differences in definitions.

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While unstable housing, such as living in a cheap hotel room or staying with friends, does count as being homeless in the USA, this is not the case in Japan Aoki Due to the narrow definition applied in Japan the size of the problem is, statistically speaking, diminished. Still, the majority of today's homeless are older single males, as the average age of those surveyed by the Ministry of Health and Labor is This is not only because 80 per cent of all Japanese citizens live in urban areas, but in general, homelessness is seen as '[…] particularly an urban phenomenon.

Homelessness is especially urban because the cities are the endpoint of industrial and urban decline' Conrad and Saaler 25; Timmer, Eitzen and Talley 4. According to a survey by Okamoto, most of the homeless population finished only compulsory school and only one third have ever been married. Furthermore, the number of ethnic minorities, Burakumin, and foreigners especially Koreans is thought to be disproportionately represented among the homeless in Japan.

A majority 28 per cent among the homeless who were surveyed in by the Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare had lived between two to five years on the streets, 25 per cent had already been homeless for five to ten years, and 13 per cent had already spent up to twenty years on the streets Okamoto 4, MHLW Being homeless, day-to-day survival is not an easy task and the majority of homeless persons spend most of their time searching for a chance to make money or finding enough food to survive.

In many areas, the homeless can receive food handouts from volunteer groups or the Japanese food bank 'Second Harvest Japan' on a regular basis. Whereas the latter provides food donations from shops and restaurants, the former usually buys food using cash donations. Some homeless people even built an individual network for receiving leftover food from fast-food restaurants or convenience stores Murata 42, 69 'You'd be amazed how much perfectly good food and drink the restaurants dump every night. We'd get to know the staff at each place when we made our nightly rounds.

Some were pretty decent. They'd have a can of leftovers waiting for us. Others — well, you find a rotten apple in every barrel. However, not all homeless people can or want to depend on donations and handouts. Most provide for themselves, working several hours a day to earn money using quite surprising and creative strategies. Most did so by collecting recyclable material like aluminium cans, plastic bottles, or cardboard, which they resold to wholesale recycling-companies.

Around 35 per cent of homeless people doing so were able to earn between JPY10, and 30, a month, and 19 per cent earned up to JPY50, Some homeless people sell objects they find on the streets in a kind of mini-flea market, while others specialize in collecting used manga books and magazines to resell. In theory, one might think that the homeless could work their way out of homelessness by doing these jobs.

However, it is quite clear that this kind of activity only provides for meagre day-to-day survival, and for most homeless, not even a single night in a doya flop house or business hotel is affordable, not to mention saving up for 'key money' and expenses needed to rent a regular apartment.

In addition, these 'jobs' are by nature dead-end without any chance of upward mobility. According to Marr, the longer people live on the streets and pursue irregular jobs, the more their autonomy is endangered, as their chances of finding regular work decline rapidly Marr About one third of all Japanese rough sleepers has no experience of long-term homelessness, unstable housing, or insecure jobs and therefore is generally called 'new homeless'. Still, most of today's homeless began their life on the streets after the recession hit Japan in the mid s and are therefore labeled as 'old homeless'.

What makes the lives of the day laborers precarious is especially the fact that their lifestyle is highly insecure and dependent on external influences. Most were employed in public works projects which enabled them to lead the relatively free lifestyle that made being a day laborer in the construction industry quite an attractive occupation for some Marr iv. Day laborers fulfilled an important role in the economic system of Japan, as they are the quintessential 'reserve army' which can easily be hired and fired according to business needs without endangering the functioning of the system as a whole Steven Also, the day labor market served as an intermediary occupation for student drop outs or temporarily unemployed De Bary With the burst of the bubble economy many workers in different industries lost their jobs.

Many of those found employment by the day in the construction industry, as the government tried to 'spend the economy out of recession' with massive investments in public building projects Aoki When this spending declined by the end of the s and the general economy did not recover, many of the smaller construction firms went bankrupt. In alone, 5, companies had to close down their businesses. The labor market in Sanya and the other yoseba has now shrunk dramatically, and more workers compete for fewer jobs, while older workers lose out against younger and fitter competitors.

These are symptoms of a process that is called 'deyosebisation' or decline of the yoseba Marr There, the jobs are being offered in the early morning, and the day laborers decide which job to take Aoki Most day laborers are employed by sub-sub-contractors of large construction companies, who delegate the responsibility for hiring workers. The 'brokers' of these jobs are the so-called tehaishi that guarantee a certain amount of workers to the contractors and in turn receive a premium off the workers' wages. Benefits or bonuses do not exist within this system.

The work done by these day laborers is generally described as 'Three K' san-k kitanai dirty , kiken dangerous und kitsui demanding Marr There is also a strong connection between the Yakuza criminal syndicates and the yoseba. As they have found there surroundings suited to their needs, many have since never returned to their home prefectures. Although many had experienced temporary homelessness even before the recession, their situation worsened thereafter dramatically. As they live and work at the very bottom of the labor hierarchy and depend on finding jobs on a day to day basis, day laborers are especially vulnerable to the ups and downs of the labor market.

If they cannot work, they immediately lose their shelter and they may then slip from temporary to permanent homelessness Ezawa ; Iwata Most day laborers who seek regular permanent employment are structurally excluded from these occupations. Many are too old and or unsuited because of a lack of skills.

Others cannot find an employer, as they have no permanent address Marr With no chances on the regular employment market and a constant decline in the supply of construction jobs, more and more former day laborers end up becoming homeless as they have no chance to sustain their living by working. In nearly half Therefore, day laborers with a history of unstable housing today compromise a large part of all homeless living in Japanese cities Aoki An increasingly numerous new type of temporary worker are the so-called dispatch workers or temporary staff hakenshain , who are 'brokered' by dispatching companies.

They have either fixed term contracts or are employed by the day and are sent to companies needing unskilled labor on a temporary basis Rebick In , more than 3. From to alone, the number of dispatched workers rose by 26 percent. Matsumoto This form of employment is especially problematic for those workers who relocated to the metropolises from rural prefectures expecting to find well-paid jobs in service industries, following job offers advertising monthly salaries of up to JPY, However, these salaries are actually out of reach for most, as housing, transportation and other service fees are directly deducted by the dispatching company.

Despite these precarious living conditions, most do not want or cannot return to their home prefectures, as they lack travel funds or opportunities to support themselves Amamiya ; This vicious cycle of employment, unemployment and precarious living conditions begins for haken -workers in a similar manner to the homeless and day laborers, because many are forced to generate their income on a daily basis. Besides their daily expenses, there is usually nothing left over to save up for renting an apartment, which would be the prerequisite for attaining a regular job; without an address, a regular job is out of reach.

But even if a haken -worker does have a permanent address, looking for a better paid or regular job is problematic. Depending on their daily wage, many cannot even afford to visit the Hello Work employment centres to get information on other job opportunities, as this would mean the loss of that day's income Amamiya 28;