vitektransportation.com/scripts/map2.php Eine weitere Ausdehnung liesse sich nur aus einem stillschweigenden Vertrage der Zusammenlebenden, und also schon wiederum aus etwas Positivem herleiten. Sprengt sie doch nicht in der physischen Natur jeden Fels, der dem [ : ] Wanderer in dem Wege steht!
Solch ein gemeinschaftliches Eigenthum sind z. Beraubung der Freiheit, die z. Die Versicherung der Person der Schuldner z. So bei der Ehe. Endlich kann es auch nicht eine Wohlthat aufdringen heissen, wenn man die Befugniss aufhebt, ihr im Voraus zu entsagen. Endlich dient die Freiheit letztwilliger Verordnungen sehr oft und meistentheils gerade den unedleren Leidenschaften des Menschen, dem Stolze, der Herrschsucht, der Eitelkeit u. Schon mehr als einmal ist der genaue Zusammenhang der Gesetze der Intestatsuccession mit den politischen Verfassungen der Staaten bemerkt worden, und leicht liesse sich dieses Mittel auch zu andern Zwecken gebrauchen.
Der Isolirte vermag sich eben so wenig zu bilden, als der Gefesselte. Als solche Bestimmungen liessen sich z. Die Antwort muss sich aus dem festgestellten Grundsatz ergeben. Diejenigen Handlungen, welche mit freier Bewilligung des andern geschehen, muss er in eben denjenigen, aber [ : ] keinen engern Schranken halten, als welche den Handlungen einzelner Menschen im Vorigen vorgeschrieben sind. So habe ich auch z.
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Der Staat tritt hier blos an die Stelle der Partheien. Allein auch hier treten noch neue Schranken ein. Die Entscheidung des streitigen Rechts durch den Richter kann nur durch bestimmte, gesetzlich angeordnete Kennzeichen der Wahrheit geschehen. Handlungen, welche der Staat bestrafen muss. Grad der Nichtachtung des fremden Rechts. Besserung derselben. Die erste Frage nun, welche hiebei entsteht, ist die: welche Handlungen der Staat mit Strafen belegen, gleichsam als Verbrechen aufstellen kann?
Die Antwort ist nach dem Vorigen leicht. Diese aber verdienen auch insgesammt angemessene Bestrafung. Von dem Gegenstande der Bestrafung wende ich mich zu der Strafe selbst.
Was daher in einem gegebenen Falle mit Recht Grausamkeit heisst, das kann in einem andren die Nothwendigkeit selbst erheischen. Auf jeden Fall reduzirt sich daher diese Strafe allein darauf, dass der Staat dem Verbrecher die Merkmale seiner Achtung und seines Vertrauens entziehn, und andern gestatten [ : ] kann dies gleichfalls ungestraft zu thun.
Nicht minder gross ist die Schwierigkeit bei der Frage: wie lange die Strafe dauern solle? Unstreitig wird jeder [ : ] Billigdenkende sie nur auf eine gewisse Zeit hin erstrecken wollen. Wenn das absolute Maas der Strafen keine allgemeine Bestimmung erlaubt; so ist dieselbe hingegen um so nothwendiger bei dem relativen. Allein wird dieser Grundsatz richtig verstanden; so ist er mit dem eben aufgestellten einerlei. Er ist ungerecht. Darauf beruht nicht blos diese Verbindlichkeit ausser der Staatsverbindung, sondern auch in derselben.
Die Gleichheit zwischen Verbrechen und Strafe, welche die eben entwickelten Ideen fordern, kann wiederum nicht absolut bestimmt, es kann nicht allgemein gesagt werden, dieses oder jenes Verbrechen verdient nur eine solche oder solche Strafe. Wenn daher, nach dem Vorigen, die Bestimmung des [ : ] absoluten Maases der Strafen, z. Wenn auf diese Weise Verbrechen und Strafe allgemein von dem Gesetze bestimmt sind, so muss nun dies gegebene Strafgesetz auf einzelne Verbrechen angewendet werden. England, hierin einer edlen Gesetzgebung erfreuen.
Da ich im Vorigen S. Auf der andern aber vermehrt sich auch der Nachtheil in eben dem Grade, in welchem die moralische Natur jede Fessel schwerer empfindet, als die physische. Nur, scheint es mir, ist eine gesetzliche Vorschrift hiezu nicht blos ein undienliches, sondern sogar entgegenarbeitendes Mittel.
Daher haben auch die denkendsten neueren Gesetzgeber versucht, die Strafen zugleich zu Besserungsmitteln zu machen. Absolutio ab instantia. Desto emsiger aber muss derselbe darauf bedacht sein, kein begangenes Verbrechen unentdeckt, kein entdecktes unbestraft, ja nur gelinder bestraft zu lassen, als das Gesetz es verlangt. Noch ungerechter aber wird eine solche Verheimlichung bei dem Verfahren [ : ] zur Aufsuchung der Verbrechen.
Wenn zwischen diesem, und dem, bei Gelegenheit der Handlungen des einzelnen Menschen S. Allgemeine Anmerkung zu diesem und den vier vorhergehenden Abschnitten. Daher niemals z. Jedoch muss diese Aufsicht niemals positiv den Eltern eine bestimmte Bildung und Erziehung der Kinder vorschreiben wollen, sondern nur immer negativ dahin gerichtet sein, Eltern und Kinder gegenseitig in den, ihnen vom Gesetz bestimmten Schranken zu erhalten. Zuerst von jenen, dann von diesen.
Nothwendigkeit dieser Trennung. Da ich jetzt vollendet habe, was mir, bei der Uebersicht meines ganzen Plans im Vorigen S. Schon meine Unwissenheit in allem, was Finanzen heisst, verbietet mir hier ein langes Raisonnement. Schon oben S. Die Erfahrung lehrt, wie vielfache Einrichtungen ihre Anordnung und ihre Hebung voraussetzt, welche das vorige Raisonnement unstreitig nicht billigen kann. Dann trifft auch hier ein, dass der Staat, der weniger wirken soll, auch eine geringere Macht, und die geringere Macht eine geringere Wehr braucht.
Ich bin zufrieden, wenn ich bewiesen habe, dass dieser Grundsatz wenigstens bei allen Staatseinrichtungen dem Gesetzgeber, als Ideal, vorschreiben sollte. Anwendung der vorgetragenen Theorie auf die Wirklichkeit. Bei jeglicher Umformung der Gegenwart muss auf den bisherigen Zustand ein neuer folgen. Nun aber bringt jede Lage, in welcher sich die Menschen befinden, jeder Gegenstand, der sie umgiebt, eine bestimmte, feste Form in ihrem Innern hervor. Dieser Grad der Kultur ist die wahre Reife der Freiheit. Allein diese Reife findet sich nirgends in ihrer Vollendung, und wird in dieser — meiner Ueberzeugung nach — auch dem sinnlichen, so gern aus sich herausgehenden Menschen ewig fremd bleiben.
Dies Letztere ist unstreitig das Wichtigste, und zugleich in diesem System das Einfachste. Dieser Grundsatz ist ganz und gar aus der Anwendung des oben, in Absicht aller Reformen, aufgestellten S. So ist es also das Princip der Nothwendigkeit, zu welchem alle, in diesem ganzen Aufsatz vorgetragene Ideen, wie zu ihrem letzten Ziele, hinstreben. Unter das Joch der Nothwendigkeit hingegen beugt jeder willig den Nacken. Wo nun schon einmal eine verwickelte Lage [ : ] vorhanden ist, da ist die Einsicht selbst des Nothwendigen schwierieger; aber gerade mit der Befolgung dieses Princips wird die Lage immer einfacher und diese Einsicht immer leichter.
Ich bin jetzt das Feld durchlaufen, das ich mir, bei dem Anfange dieses Aufsatzes, absteckte. Humboldt I. Juni Werke I. Mai , Auleben September , 7. Wieder abgedruckt in den Werken. Erinnerungen II, u. Von grosser Erheblichkeit sind sie nirgends. Es sind durchweg lediglich stylistische Abweichungen.
Immerhin bliebe es interessant zu wissen, woher die Abweichungen der Abschrift stammen, aus der der Berliner Druck hervorgegangen ist. Februar Jam corporis cruciatus, omnium rerum inopia, fames, infamia, quaeque alia evenire iusto fratres dixerunt, animi illam e iustitia manantem voluptatem dubio procul longe superant, essetque adeo iniustitia iustitiae antehabenda et in virtutum numero collocanda. Tiedemann in argumentis dialogorum Platonis. Riga ], und in der Kritik der praktischen Vernunft. Neues deutsches Museum, Junius, 22, 3.
Mirabeau s. Sallustius in Catilina. Hesiodus in Theogonia. Basel Of rude nations prior to the establishment of property. Prometheus II. Berlin Berlin p. Dalberg vom Bilden und Erfinden. Aber ich sprach auch hier nicht von dem Fall, wenn z. Collection complette des travaux de Mr. Written in , in his early manhood, and at a time when the ideas which it unfolds were in striking contrast to the events and opinions of the day, the book was long obnoxious to the scruples of the German Censorship; and his friend Schiller, who took much interest in its publication, had some difficulty in finding a publisher willing to incur the necessary responsibility.
But we cannot but feel grateful to his distinguished brother, for giving publicity to a treatise which has such strong claims to attention, whether we regard the eminence of its Author as a philosopher and a statesman, the intrinsic value of its contents, or their peculiar interest at a time when the Sphere of Government seems more than ever to require careful definition.
To Englishmen, [v] least of all, is it likely to prove unattractive or uninstructive, since it endeavours to show the theoretical ideal of a policy to which their institutions have made a gradual and instinctive approximation; and contributes important ideas towards the solution of questions which now lie so near to the heart and conscience of the English public.
With respect to the translation, I have aimed at scrupulous fidelity; believing that, even where there may be some obscurity as in one or two of the earlier chapters , the intelligent reader would prefer the ipsissima verba of so great a man, to any arbitrary construction put upon them by his translator. Eugen Oswald: those who are best acquainted with the peculiarities of thought and style which characterize the writer, will be best able to appreciate the importance of such assistance.
To discover the legitimate objects to which the energies of State organizations should be directed, and define the limits within which those energies should be exercised, is the design of the following pages. That the solution of this prime question of political philosophy must be pregnant with interest and high practical importance is sufficiently evident; and if we compare the most remarkable political constitutions with each other, and with the opinions of the most eminent philosophers, we shall, with reason, be surprised to find it so insufficiently discussed and vaguely answered; and agree, that any attempt to prosecute the inquiry with more success, is far from being a vain and superfluous labour.
Those who have either themselves remodelled the framework of State constitutions, or proposed schemes of political reform, seem mostly to have studied how to apportion the respective provinces which the nation, and any of its separate elements, should justly share in the administration,—to assign the due functions of each in the governmental plan,—and to adopt the precautions necessary for preserving the integrity of the several interests at stake. But in every  attempt to frame or reorganize a political constitution, there are two grand objects, it seems to me, to be distinctly kept in view, neither of which can be overlooked or made subordinate without serious injury to the common design; these are—first, to determine, as regards the nation in question, who shall govern, who shall be governed, and to arrange the actual working of the constituted power; and secondly, to prescribe the exact sphere to which the government, once constructed, should extend or confine its operations.
The latter object, which more immediately embraces the private life of the citizen, and more especially determines the limits of his free, spontaneous activity, is, strictly speaking, the true ultimate purpose; the former is only a necessary means for arriving at this important end. And yet, however strange it may appear, it is to the attainment of the first of these ends that man directs his most earnest attention; and, as it becomes us to show, this exclusive pursuit of one definite purpose only coincides with the usual manifestation of human activity. It is in the prosecution of some single object, and in striving to reach its accomplishment by the combined application of his moral and physical energies, that the true happiness of man, in his full vigour and development, consists.
Possession, it is true, crowns exertion with repose; but it is only in the illusions of fancy that it has power to charm our eyes. If we consider the position of man in the universe,—if we remember the constant tendency of his energies towards some definite activity, and recognize the influence of surrounding nature, which is ever provoking him to exertion, we shall be ready to acknowledge that repose and possession do not indeed exist but in imagination. Now the partial or one-sided man finds repose in the discontinuance of one line of action; and in him whose powers are wholly undeveloped, one single object only serves to elicit a few manifestations of energy.
It would appear then, from these general characteristics of human nature, that to the conqueror his triumph affords a more exquisite sense of enjoyment than the actual occupation of the territory he has won, and that the perilous commotion of reformation itself is dearer to the reformer than the calm enjoyment of the fruits which crown its successful issue. And thus it is true, in general, that the exercise of dominion has something in it more immediately agreeable to human nature than the mere reposeful sense of freedom; or, at least, that the solicitude to secure freedom is a dearer satisfaction than that which is afforded by its actual possession.
Freedom is but the possibility of a various and indefinite activity; while government, or the exercise of dominion, is a single, but yet real activity. The ardent desire for freedom, therefore, is at first only too frequently suggested by the deep-felt consciousness of its absence. But whatever the natural course of political development may be, and whatever the relation between the desire for freedom and the excessive tendency to governmental activity, it is still evident that the inquiry into the proper aims and limits of State agency must be of the highest importance—nay, that it is perhaps more vitally momentous than any other political question.
That such an investigation comprises the ultimate object of all political science, has been already pointed out; but it is a truth that admits also of extensive practical application. Real State revolutions,  or fresh organizations of the governing power, are always attended in their progress with many concurrent and fortuitous circumstances, and necessarily entail more or less injury to different interests; whereas a sovereign power that is actually existing—whether it be democratic, aristocratic, or monarchical—can extend or restrict its sphere of action in silence and secresy, and, in general, attains its ends more surely, in proportion as it avoids startling innovations.
Those processes of human agency advance most happily to their consummation, which most faithfully resemble the operations of the natural world. The tiny seed, for example, which drops into the awaiting soil, unseen and unheeded, brings forth a far richer and more genial blessing in its growth and germination than the violent eruption of a volcano, which, however necessary, is always attended with destruction; and, if we justly pride ourselves on our superior culture and enlightenment, there is no other system of reform so happily adapted, by its spirit of calm and consistent progression, to the capacities and requirements of our own times.
It may easily be foreseen, therefore, that the important inquiry into the due limits of State agency must conduct us to an ampler range of freedom for human forces, and a richer diversity of circumstances and situations. Now the possibility of any higher degree of freedom presupposes a proportionate advancement in civilization,—a decreasing necessity of acting in large, compacted masses,—a richer variety of resources in the individual agents.
If, then, the present age in reality possesses this increased culture and this power and diversity of resources, the freedom of which these are the precious conditions should unquestionably be accorded it. And so its methods of reform would be happily correspondent with a progressive civilization—if we do not err in supposing this to be its favourable characteristic.
Generally  speaking, it is the drawn sword of the nation which checks and overawes the physical strength of its rulers; but in our case, culture and enlightenment serve no less effectually to sway their thoughts and subdue their will, so that the actual concessions of reform seem rather ascribable to them than to the nation.
If even to behold a people breaking their fetters asunder, in the full consciousness of their rights as men and citizens, is a beautiful and ennobling spectacle: it must be still more fair, and full of uplifting hope, to witness a prince himself unloosing the bonds of thraldom and granting freedom to his people,—nor this as the mere bounty of his gracious condescension, but as the discharge of his first and most indispensable duty; for it is nobler to see an object effected through a reverent regard for law and order, than conceded to the imperious demands of absolute necessity; and the more so, when we consider that the freedom which a nation strives to attain through the overthrow of existing institutions, is but as hope to enjoyment, as preparation to perfection, when compared with that which a State, once constituted, can bestow.
If we cast a glance at the history of political organizations, we shall find it difficult to decide, in the case of any one of them, the exact limits to which its activity was conformed, because we discover in none the systematic working out of any deliberate scheme, grounded on a certain basis of principle. We shall observe, that the freedom of the citizen has been limited from two points of view; that is, either from the necessity of organizing or securing the constitution, or from the expediency of providing for the moral and physical condition of the nation.
These considerations have prevailed alternately, according as the constitution, in itself powerful, has required additional support, or as the views of the legislators have been more or less expanded. Often indeed both of these causes may be found operating conjointly. Possessed, as it was, of but little absolute authority, the constitution was mainly dependent for its duration on the will of the nation, and hence it was necessary to discover or propose means by which due harmony might be preserved between the character of established institutions and this tendency of national feeling.
The same policy is still observable in small republican States; and if we were to regard it in the light of these circumstances alone, we might accept it as true, that the freedom of private life always increases in exact proportion as public freedom declines; whereas security always keeps pace with the latter. Now if we compare the example of the most modern States, with regard to this tendency, we shall find the design of acting for the individual citizen, and of providing for his welfare, to be clear and unmistakable from the number of laws and institutions directed to this end, and which often give a very determinate form to private life.
The superior internal consistency of our constitutions,—their greater independence of national character and feeling,—the deeper influence of mere thinkers, who are naturally disposed to more expanded views,—the multitude of inventions which teach us to follow out and improve the common objects of national activity; and lastly, and before all, certain ideas of religion which represent the governing power as responsible, to a certain extent, for the moral and future welfare of the  citizens, have all contributed to introduce this change and develope this positive solicitude.
But if we examine into the origin of particular institutions and police-laws, we find that they frequently originate in the real or pretended necessity of imposing taxes on the subject, and in this we may trace the example, it is true, to the political characteristics of the ancient States, inasmuch as such institutions grow out of the same desire of securing the constitution which we noticed in them. With respect to those limitations of freedom, however, which do not so much affect the State as the individuals who compose it, we are led to notice a vast difference between ancient and modern governments.
The ancients devoted their attention more exclusively to the harmonious development of the individual man, as man; the moderns are chiefly solicitous about his comfort, his prosperity, his productiveness. The former looked to virtue; the latter seek for happiness. And hence it follows, that the restrictions imposed on freedom in the ancient States were, in some important respects, more oppressive and dangerous than those which characterize our times. For they directly attacked that inner life of the soul, in which the individuality of human being essentially consists; and hence all the ancient nations betray a character of uniformity, which is not so much to be attributed to their want of higher refinement and more limited intercommunication, as to the systematic education of their youth in common almost universal among them , and the designedly collective life of the citizens.
But, in another point of view, it will be allowed that these ancient institutions contributed especially to preserve and elevate the vigorous activity of the individual man. The very desire which still animated all their political efforts, to train up temperate and nobleminded citizens, imparted a higher impulse to their whole spirit and character.
With us, it is true, man is individually less restricted; but the influence of surrounding circumstances  only the more operates to produce and continue a limiting agency,—a position, however, which does not preclude the possibility of beginning a conflict against these external hindrances, with our own internal antagonistic strength. And yet the peculiar nature of the limitations imposed on freedom in our States; the fact that they regard rather what man possesses than what he really is, and that with respect to the latter they do not cultivate, even to uniformity, the physical, intellectual, and moral faculties; and lastly and especially, the prevalence of certain determining ideas, more binding than laws, suppress those energies which are the source of every active virtue, and the indispensable condition of any higher and more various culture.
With the ancients, moreover, the increase of force served to compensate for their uniformity; but with the moderns uniformity is aggravated by the evil of diminished energy. This difference between the States of antiquity and those of our own times, is in general thoroughly evident. Whilst in these later centuries, the rapid strides of progress, the number and dissemination of artistic inventions, and the enduring grandeur of establishments, especially attract our attention; antiquity captivates us above all by that inherent greatness which is comprised in the life of the individual, and perishes along with him,—the bloom of fancy, the depth of thought, the strength of will, the perfect oneness of the entire being, which alone confer true worth on human nature.
Their strong consciousness of this essential worth of human nature, of its powers and their consistent development, was to them the quick impulse to every manifestation of activity; but these seem to us but as abstractions, in which the sense of the individual is lost, or at least in which his inner life is not so much regarded as his ease, his material comfort, his happiness. It has been from time to time disputed by publicists,  whether the State should provide for the security only, or for the whole physical and moral well-being of the nation. The vigilant solicitude for the freedom of private life has in general led to the former proposition; while the idea that the State can bestow something more than mere security, and that the injurious limitation of liberty, although a possible, is not an essential, consequence of such a policy, has disposed many to the latter opinion.
And this belief has undoubtedly prevailed, not only in political theory, but in actual practice. Ample evidence of this is to be found in most of the systems of political jurisprudence, in the more recent philosophical codes, and in the history of Constitutions generally. The introduction of these principles has given a new form to the study of politics as is shown for instance by so many recent financial and legislative theories , and has produced many new departments of administration, as boards of trade, finance, and national economy.
But, however generally these principles may be accepted, they still appear to me to require a more radical investigation; and this can only proceed from a view of human nature in the abstract, and of the highest ends of human existence. The true end of Man, or that which is prescribed by the eternal and immutable dictates of reason, and not suggested by vague and transient desires, is the highest and most harmonious development of his powers to a complete and consistent whole.
Freedom is the grand and indispensable condition which the possibility of such a development presupposes; but there is besides another essential,—intimately connected with freedom, it is true,—a variety of situations. Even the most free and self-reliant of men is thwarted and hindered in his development by uniformity of position.
But as it is evident, on the one hand, that such a diversity is a constant result of freedom, and on the other, that there is a species of oppression which, without imposing restrictions on man himself, gives a peculiar impress of its own to surrounding circumstances; these two conditions, of freedom and variety of situation, may be regarded, in a certain sense, as one and the same. Still, it may contribute to perspicuity to point out the distinction between them.
Every human being, then, can act with but one force at the same time: or rather, our whole nature disposes us at any given time to some single form of spontaneous activity. It would therefore seem to follow from this, that man is inevitably destined to a partial cultivation, since he only enfeebles his energies by directing them to a multiplicity of objects.
But we see the fallacy of such a conclusion when we reflect, that man has it in his power to avoid this one-sideness,  by striving to unite the separate faculties of his nature, often singly exercised; by bringing into spontaneous co-operation, at each period of his life, the gleams of activity about to expire, and those which the future alone will kindle into living effulgence; and endeavouring to increase and diversify the powers with which he works, by harmoniously combining them, instead of looking for a mere variety of objects for their separate exercise.
That which is effected, in the case of the individual, by the union of the past and future with the present, is produced in society by the mutual co-operation of its different single members; for, in all the stages of his existence, each individual can exhibit but one of those perfections only, which represent the possible features of human character. It is through such social union, therefore, as is based on the internal wants and capacities of its members, that each is enabled to participate in the rich collective resources of all the others. The experience of all, even the rudest, nations, furnishes us an example of a union thus formative of individual character, in the union of the sexes.
And, although in this case the expression, as well of the difference as of the longing for union, appears more marked and striking, it is still no less active in other kinds of association where there is actually no difference of sex; it is only more difficult to discover in these, and may perhaps be more powerful for that very reason.
If we were to follow out this idea, it might perhaps conduct us to a clearer insight into the phenomena of those unions so much in vogue among the ancients, and more especially the Greeks, among whom we find them countenanced even by the legislators themselves: I mean those so frequently, but unworthily, classed under the general appellation of ordinary love, and sometimes, but always erroneously, designated as mere friendship.
The efficiency of all such unions as instruments of cultivation,  wholly depends on the degree in which the component members can succeed in combining their personal independence with the intimacy of the common bond; for whilst, without this intimacy, one individual cannot sufficiently possess himself, as it were, of the nature of the others, independence is no less essential, in order that the perceived be assimilated into the being of the perceiver. This individual vigour, then, and manifold diversity, combine themselves in originality; and hence, that on which the consummate grandeur of our nature ultimately depends,—that towards which every human being must ceaselessly direct his efforts, and on which especially those who design to influence their fellow men must ever keep their eyes, is the Individuality of Power and Development.
Just as this individuality springs naturally from the perfect freedom of action, and the greatest diversity in the agents, it tends immediately to produce them in turn. Even inanimate nature, which, proceeding in accordance with unchangeable laws, advances by regular grades of progression, appears more individual to the man who has been developed in his individuality.
He transports himself, as it were, into the very centre of nature; and it is true, in the highest sense, that each still perceives the beauty and rich abundance of the outer world, in the exact measure in which he is conscious of their existence in his own soul. How much sweeter and  closer must this correspondence become between effect and cause,—this reaction between internal feeling and outward perception,—when man is not only passively open to external sensations and impressions, but is himself also an agent!
If we attempt to confirm these principles by a closer application of them to the nature of the individual man, we find that everything which enters into the latter, reduces itself to the two elements of Form and Substance. The purest form, beneath the most delicate veil, we call Idea; the crudest substance, with the most imperfect form, we call sensuous Perception. Form springs from the union of substance. The richer and more various the substance that is united, the more sublime is the resulting form.
A child of the gods is the offspring only of immortal parents: and as the blossom swells and ripens into fruit, and from the tiny germ imbedded in its soft pulp the new stalk shoots forth, laden with newly-clustering buds; so does the Form become in turn the substance of a still more exquisite Form. The intensity of power, moreover, increases in proportion to the greater variety and delicacy of the substance; since the internal cohesion increases with these.
The substance seems as if blended in the form, and the form merged in the substance. But the force of the generation depends upon the energy of the generating forces. In the vegetable world, the  simple and less graceful form of the fruit seems to prefigure the more perfect bloom and symmetry of the flower which it precedes, and which it is destined gradually to unfold. Everything conspires to the beautiful consummation of the blossom. That which first shoots forth from the little germ is not nearly so exquisite and fascinating.
But destiny has not blessed the tribe of plants in this the law and process of their growth. The flower fades and dies, and the germ of the fruit reproduces the stem, as rude and unfinished as the former, to ascend slowly through the same stages of development as before. But when, in man, the blossom fades away, it is only to give place to another still more exquisitely beautiful; and the charm of the last and loveliest is only hidden from our view in the endlessly receding vistas of an inscrutable eternity.
Now, whatever man receives externally, is only as the grain of seed. It is his own active energy alone that can convert the germ of the fairest growth, into a full and precious blessing for himself. It leads to beneficial issues only when it is full of vital power and essentially individual. The highest ideal, therefore, of the co-existence of human beings, seems to me to consist in a union in which each strives to develope himself from his own inmost nature, and for his own sake.
Around Easter the agility of my right hand decreased and my right foot got stuck quite frequently. I sometimes pulled to the right by walking, reacted sensitive to noise, was skittish and anxious. The surrounding ladies forced me into consulting a neurologist.
She was concerned and one hour later I found myself in a hospital with the probable suspicion of having suffered a stroke. Myself already speculated about ALS in those days. But obviously the doctors were clear in their mind that dark clouds started gathering. The conversions in my muscles were not yet detectable. Who on earth would be willing to officially mention the sneaking suspicion of ALS at this point? Myself was well aware of the approaching disaster and foreboded that it would only be a matter of time until the measurements would show significances and until there would be a courageous doctor putting the cards on the table.
Nevertheless, I was relieved for a start, clutching at the spark of hope to me being wrong. Several months elapsed and my problems increased. My wife was told to join the publication of the diagnosis. This was the point I saw how the wind blows. Diagnosis: Suspicion of ALS. Prize: a pack of Riluzol. The disease was first described in The pharmaceutical Riluzol is the first and still the only accredited medicament in Germany for the therapy of ALS since A real ease… The talk with the doctor was reasonably done, the doctor very good and the conversation empathetic — solely I sadly missed some pastry.
Interestingly my sorrow was not for me myself but my first care was for my family, especially my son. Then happened what I only want to mention shortly. Shock, anger, defiance, struggle, humour, daily routine, life, holiday, work. Mid of December, I went to the clinical centre in Ulm. Three days, pure chaos, perceived non-professional, patient Mr. Diagnosis: ALS. Merry Christmas! Henceforward things were noticeably and rapidly getting worse. I got an awesome family, fantastic friends, a brilliant employer, a good health insurance and here and there luck is on my side.
And I nearly forgot about it: very caring doctors and therapists. In June a pulmonary function testing was conducted, resulting in a vital capacity of 67 percent. Initially this result was uncritical. Based on the weakness of my arms and hands I depend on permanent assistance since beginning of My mobile, computer, laptop and voice computer system are exclusively operated by my eyes.
Remarkable, what enables technology today. In January a second pulmonary function testing followed with a result of under 50 percent and in July a third with… drum roll… 35 percent of vital capacity. Indeed, breath-taking news. I spare the favourable audience further details, but it shows the thin line between luxury being healthy and harp-playing.
Every year about 2, people die on ALS in Germany alone, by announcement and with every option on live. With tendency to rise. Medical science remains barehanded, except a pharmaceutical capable of prolonging life on average by three months. Otherwise shrugging shoulders and decent words. Respectively, up to 70 percent of the costs have to be contributed by other resources donations, third-party funds. In Germany, this underfunding is the reason why only about 30 percent of the persons concerned are taken care of in a specialised ALS-centre during the course of their disease.
The predominant part is taken care of by regular neurologists. To illustrate the weird situation: Same difference as the predominant part of patients with cancer would never be in contact with an oncologist. The development of a new pharmaceutical against ALS is assumed to add up to around million Euros. At first glance, that sounds like a massive amount of money. Off target by million Euros. Brief snorting, but the sound is said to be grand. Well than, everything in best order, congratulations. We are waiting for the proverbial flying pigs and will meanwhile beastlike fight against it.
It took quite a bit of time to restructure myself and to understand that nothing has changed technically. Mine is just going off schedule, different than plotted. I would like to take the best out of my actual possibilities and spend the remaining time happy and humble with my loved ones, create good memories of daddy for my son and just hope for a miracle. It requires continuous scooping or pulling the plug or — if it goes like clockwork — somebody temporarily turns off the main tap. But nothing of all this is in sight. Das werde ich auch noch machen. Nun muss ich aber aus aktuellem Anlass diesem Artikel vorgreifen und will Ihnen einen unfassbaren Vorgang aufzeigen, ich muss.
Allerdings in perfektem Deutsch, was gegen Spam spricht, daher lieber mal den Absender abklopfen. Also nochmal lesen. Und nochmal. Mein Hirn arbeitet und versucht die Information zu verarbeiten, einzuordnen. Aber wie kommen die denn auf mich? Machen ist wie Wollen, nur krasser.
Bis zu diesem Zeitpunkt war die Information vertraulich zu behandeln. Die Route ist somit durchaus bekannt. Unfall mit mehreren LKW. Simon ist ein Freund und Familie. Irgendwie werde ich ihn seit 25 Jahren nicht mehr los und wenn ich einen brauche, der mir tapfer und bedingungslos zur Seite steht, in guten wie in schlechten Zeiten, war und ist auf ihn Verlass. Es wurde auf der Autobahn flaniert und gerastet wie auf der Bundesgartenschau.
Es ist unvorstellbar, welche Mengen an Tabak dort konsumiert wurden. Ich schweife aus, pardon. Die Veranstaltung endete offiziell um vier Uhr. Nachdem mein Rollstuhl abgeschnallt und fahrbereit war, wurde ich zu Asphalt gelassen. Wir wurden am Parkplatz direkt sehr freundlich in Empfang genommen und eiligen Schrittes zum Saal geleitet.
Als wir den Saal betraten, wurde dies dem Moderator per Zettel mitgeteilt. Im Saal war es relativ dunkel. Wobei das relativ ist und per se erstmal nichts Schlechtes sein muss. Mein Anspruch war es jedoch, mit meinen Pfunden zu wuchern, bevor meine Pfunde wuchern. Ich war jetzt kein schulischer Pflegefall, aber ich musste zum Jagen getragen werden, zumindest in der Schule. In der Berufsschule begann ich, dieses System auszureizen.
Eine fantastische und gesellige Zeit mit tollen Menschen und wenig besuchten Vorlesungen. Ein Vabanquespiel. Der von mir als notwendig erachtete Stoff wurde gesichtet und der Vorlauf geplant. Das bedeutet sechs Wochen nichts anderes, als diszipliniert Lernen. Dies war im Nachhinein eine riskante Taktik, aber sehr effektiv.
Davon war beim besten Willen nicht auszugehen, war ich doch nicht nur beim Lernen konsequent, sondern auch beim Feiern. Eine fantastische Zeit, in deren Erinnerung ich noch heute gerne bade. Nach dem Studium habe ich angefangen, bei prego services zu arbeiten. Hier stehen Werte nicht nur auf dem Papier. Begonnen habe ich als Systemmanager im Datacenter. Danach war ich Teamleiter und Fachbereichsleiter. Kurz nach dem Studium habe ich meine Frau kennen und lieben gelernt.
Nach etwa anderthalb Jahren zogen wir zusammen und Katrin krempelte meine, respektive unsere Wohnung komplett um. Unsere Blickrichtungen verschoben sich und wir blickten gemeinsam in eine sorgenfreie Zukunft. Vor sieben Jahren kam Frieda zu uns, da war sie ein Jahr alt.
Mit Frieda waren wir jedes Wochenende auf Tour. Das war die pure Freiheit nach einer stressigen Arbeitswoche. Part of the blame can be placed on bad translation: The first of many English translations of the fairy tales was completed by Edgar Taylor and was published in two volumes in and - here, Snow White is called Snow Drop. Some fault rests with animator Walt Disney. The queen demands not the heart portrayed in the Disney telling but a liver and lung as proof that the hunter killed little Snow.
Instead, he leaves her in the woods.
There, Snow meets not Grumpy and Co. The dwarves put Snow into a glass coffin, where she stays as beautiful as in life. She's ultimately found by a prince, but this young royal doesn't even think of kissing her, instead having his servants carry the coffin away. When they stumble on a rough mountain path, the shaking causes Snow to spit up the poison apple and wake up. And here's the best part: Snow gets sweet revenge at her wedding to the prince, an event at which she makes her stepmother wear red-hot slippers until she dances herself to death.
Despite the changes that time, translations and Tinseltown have wrought on the tales, the Grimms are still recognized as some of the very first scholars to honor the idea of transferring spoken folklore to the printed word, a valuable contribution to cultural and literary studies.
The real Snow White had enough gumption to take care of the queen, and even if the Disney stories are not true to the originals, they're a bit of a fairy-tale story in themselves. With such a rich history and tales of fantasy, we can all live happily ever after. Slightly differing versions of the rags-to-riches story of a young scullery maid with an evil stepmother and two nasty stepsisters come from throughout Europe, Scandinavia and as far away as the Middle East.
In fact, Disney's animated film Cinderella is closer to a French version transcribed by folklorist Charles Perrault in the s than it is to the Grimm tale. The French Cinderella has a magical fairy godmother who gives her glorious dresses and accessories. She gets a pumpkin coach pulled by horses transformed from mice. The slipper she loses is made of glass. The German Aschenputtel, on the other hand, gets her clothing from birds who alight on a tree planted on her real mother's grave and has a non-pumpkin coach.
Her slipper is made of gold. Both tales have the princely ball run over several evenings, not just one night. The one consistency is that midnight is always the time of reckoning, and that Cinderella has to hightail it out of the festivities, fast. The Grimm story like most of the tales in the brothers' collection is more violent than Perrault's tale. Here, the stepsisters are beautiful but cruel, and when the prince searches for the woman who fits the golden shoe, the stepsisters attempt to fit by cutting off either a toe or a heel - birds singing about bloody feet betray them to the prince.
Every Grimm edition after has birds peck out the eyes of the stepsisters as punishment for their evil deeds. The French version of the tale is lighter all around. Not only is there a jolly fairy godmother and a cast of colorful animals, but the ending is far happier. Here, the stepsisters simply jam their feet into a tight shoe no blood, no gore and Cinderella marries them off to lords in her new husband's court, eyes intact.
Here, they all live happily ever after. Just like Disney. Kimberly Bradley, 33, is a New York journalist presently living in the forests of northern Minnesota in a house made of gingerbread. Neu in Politik. Angst vor Vergiftung? Nicht ohne meine Thermotasse!