india.server.vatsim.net/shop-chloroquine-500mg-shipping.php The Millennium Challenge program allocates part of U. During the last two decades, the proposition that democratic institutions and values help states cooperate with each other is among the most intensively studied in all of international relations, and it has held up reasonably well.
Indeed, the belief that democracies never fight wars against each other is the closest thing we have to an iron law in social science. But the theory has some very important corollaries, which the Bush administration glosses over as it draws upon the democracy-promotion element of liberal thought. Columbia University political scientist Michael W. Countries transitioning to democracy, with weak political institutions, are more likely than other states to get into international and civil wars.
In the last 15 years, wars or large-scale civil violence followed experiments with mass electoral democracy in countries including Armenia, Burundi, Ethiopia, Indonesia, Russia, and the former Yugoslavia. More fundamental, emerging democracies often have nascent political institutions that cannot channel popular demands in constructive directions or credibly enforce compromises among rival groups. In this setting, democratic accountability works imperfectly, and nationalist politicians can hijack public debate.
The violence that is vexing the experiment with democracy in Iraq is just the latest chapter in a turbulent story that began with the French Revolution. Contemporary liberal theory also points out that the rising democratic tide creates the presumption that all nations ought to enjoy the benefits of self-determination. Those left out may undertake violent campaigns to secure democratic rights.
Some of these movements direct their struggles against democratic or semidemocratic states that they consider occupying powers — such as in Algeria in the s, or Chechnya, Palestine, and the Tamil region of Sri Lanka today. Violence may also be directed at democratic supporters of oppressive regimes, much like the U.
Democratic regimes make attractive targets for terrorist violence by national liberation movements precisely because they are accountable to a cost-conscious electorate. Nor is it clear to contemporary liberal scholars that nascent democracy and economic liberalism can always cohabitate.
Free trade and the multifaceted globalization that advanced democracies promote often buffet transitional societies. In other cases, universal free trade can make separatism look attractive, as small regions such as Aceh in Indonesia can lay claim to lucrative natural resources. So far, the trade-fueled boom in China has created incentives for improved relations with the advanced democracies, but it has also set the stage for a possible showdown between the relatively wealthy coastal entrepreneurs and the still impoverished rural masses.
Shortly before September 11, political scientist G. John Ikenberry studied attempts to establish international order by the victors of hegemonic struggles in , , , and He argued that even the most powerful victor needed to gain the willing cooperation of the vanquished and other weak states by offering a mutually attractive bargain, codified in an international constitutional order. Democratic victors, he found, have the best chance of creating a working constitutional order, such as the Bretton Woods system after World War II, because their transparency and legalism make their promises credible.
Some realists say it does, and that recent events demonstrate that international institutions cannot constrain a hegemonic power if its preferences change. But international institutions can nonetheless help coordinate outcomes that are in the long-term mutual interest of both the hegemon and the weaker states. Ikenberry did not contend that hegemonic democracies are immune from mistakes. States can act in defiance of the incentives established by their position in the international system, but they will suffer the consequences and probably learn to correct course.
Sooner or later, the pendulum will swing back. Idealism, the belief that foreign policy is and should be guided by ethical and legal standards, also has a long pedigree. Recently, a new version of idealism — called constructivism by its scholarly adherents — returned to a prominent place in debates on international relations theory. Constructivism, which holds that social reality is created through debate about values, often echoes the themes that human rights and international justice activists sound.
European philosophical currents helped establish constructivist theory, and the European Journal of International Relations is one of the principal outlets for constructivist work. Whereas realists dwell on the balance of power and liberals on the power of international trade and democracy, constructivists believe that debates about ideas are the fundamental building blocks of international life. Individuals and groups become powerful if they can convince others to adopt their ideas. Especially in liberal societies, there is overlap between constructivist and liberal approaches, but the two are distinct.
Constructivists contend that their theory is deeper than realism and liberalism because it explains the origins of the forces that drive those competing theories. Consequently, constructivists often study the role of transnational activist networks — such as Human Rights Watch or the International Campaign to Ban Landmines — in promoting change.
This publicity is then used to press governments to adopt specific remedies, such as the establishment of a war crimes tribunal or the adoption of a landmine treaty.
These movements often make pragmatic arguments as well as idealistic ones, but their distinctive power comes from the ability to highlight deviations from deeply held norms of appropriate behavior. Progressive causes receive the most attention from constructivist scholars, but the theory also helps explain the dynamics of illiberal transnational forces, such as Arab nationalism or Islamist extremism.
Professor Michael N. Constructivist thought can also yield broader insights about the ideas and values in the current international order. In his book, Revolutions in Sovereignty: How Ideas Shaped Modern International Relations, political scientist Daniel Philpott demonstrates how the religious ideas of the Protestant Reformation helped break down the medieval political order and provided a conceptual basis for the modern system of secular sovereign states.
After September 11, Philpott focused on the challenge to the secular international order posed by political Islam. Because constructivists believe that ideas and values helped shape the modern state system, they expect intellectual constructs to be decisive in transforming it — for good or ill. When it comes to offering advice, however, constructivism points in two seemingly incompatible directions. The insight that political orders arise from shared understanding highlights the need for dialogue across cultures about the appropriate rules of the game.
For these idealists, the essential task is to shame rights abusers and cajole powerful actors into promoting proper values and holding perpetrators accountable to international generally Western standards. Create Profile. Peter Lang. Search Close. Advanced Search Help. Methodology in Afri Show Less Restricted access.
Research Methods in Africana Studies is a major contribution to the discipline of Africana studies and social science involving people of African descent in general. This textbook is the first of its kind, offering instruction on how to conduct culturally relevant critical research on Africana communities in the American context, in addition to the African diaspora.
It contains a collection of the most widely used theories and paradigms designed for exploring, explaining, and advancing Africana communities through science. The relevance, strengths, and weaknesses of every major method of data collection are explained as they relate to the lived experiences of the Black world. It stands alone as the only textbook that details empirical methods in the service of the collective advancement of Africana peoples. Buy eBook. Currency depends on your shipping address.
Africana Studies and the Science of Knowing 2. Ethics in Research 4. Research Design 5. Measuring Social Reality 7. Sampling Procedures 8. I bracket the 'natural' because natural scientists dominate the water research landscape Meissner et al. Social scientists can also argue from a positivist paradigm. How can we widen our understanding of the NWRS2 and its implementation? Although the NWRS2 highlights participation of the private sector, the overall impression is that of a strategy directed by Government through positivism.
Two theories that can bring about a deeper understanding of the situation are agential power Hobson, ; Meissner, ; Hobson and Seabrooke, ; Meissner, c and the ambiguity theory of leadership Alvesson and Spicer, Agential power gives actors agency to influence their environment and each other Hobson and Seabrooke, Agential power falls into three categories: domestic, international and reflexive agential power.
I will focus on reflexive agential power because it deals with the relationship between societal actors i. Reflexive agential power is the 'ability of the state to embed itself in a broad array of social forces This increases its governing capacity since the state is less isolated from society and other actors. By widening its network of collaboration the state can increase its power Hobson, ; Hobson, ; Meissner, When an actor is embedded within social structures it is bounded within society.
State and society cannot be separated Hobson, If a state does not routinely negotiate with groups in society, it has despotic power and low capacity to govern Hobson, ; Hobson, Hobson notes that ' To consistently resist civil pressures, in light of state capacity, is a sign of weakness not strength. This brings to the fore the notion of competitive-cooperation in which two actors get along with each other because their conflict is not zero-sum, but collectively beneficial Huntington, in Hobson, Ambiguity theory of leadership.
The ambiguity theory of leadership states that versions of leadership are invented or constructed by people. This construction takes place when they draw on their assumptions, expectations, selective perceptions, sense-making and imaginations of leadership Alvesson and Spicer, Leadership exists only as a perception and not a viable scientific construction Calder, cited in Alvesson and Spicer, Leadership therefore varies from person to person and context to context.
Leadership is often incoherent and complex. Because of the different meanings of leadership, it is difficult to say exactly what leadership is. Leadership is an ambiguous and contradictory construct.
This book looks into the role and effects of public apologies in international relations. Other alternatives are the re-use of municipal wastewater for urban and industrial uses and treatment of acid mine drainage. Finally, through bringing international pressure to bear on violators of human rights. Intervention in the conflict in Bosnia between and gave it a renewed sense of purpose and a redefining of…. Democratic victors, he found, have the best chance of creating a working constitutional order, such as the Bretton Woods system after World War II, because their transparency and legalism make their promises credible. But IR relegates culture to irrelevance, which in my view makes IR to be complete garbage.
The different meanings and constructs bring out the potential for leadership's ambiguous interpretations, understandings and experiences. Ambiguity and fragmentation is at the centre of the leadership process. As such people use the concept to reach certain desirable goals. These objectives could include: attributing responsibility to senior managers for numerous outcomes, boosting the identity of managers and creating faith that leadership is a panacea. The utility of the concept is a lever to create certain things, fostering a belief that leadership can do wonders, which is not the case according to Alvesson and Spicer The attributed meanings of leadership are important sources of ambiguity.
The sources of ambiguous meaning of leadership are leaders, their followers and the context in which leaders and followers operate. Leaders are not always sure about what it means to do leadership, and whether what they are doing is actually leadership. Followers interpret different acts as leadership.
The context promotes different understandings and ideas about the meaning of leading Alvesson and Spicer, Based on agential power and the ambiguity theory of leadership, how can South Africa enhance the NWRS2's implementation? How the Strategy was developed and how it will be executed goes hand-in-glove. It is here where agential power starts to shed light on an alternative understanding of the NWRS2 and its execution.
That the NWRS2 relies on scientific studies gives the strategy credence based on the standing of the scientists. Other 'scientific' concepts like 'virtual water' DWA, , or the volume of water needed to produce import and export goods and foodstuffs, Allan, ; Meissner, ; Earle et al. It is therefore not entirely impossible that the NWRS2 is a reaction to current trends in the global water governance discourse.
This is evident where IWRM is combined with the developmental state. The developmental state plays a central role in managing water resources that play a critical role in equitable social and economic development Van Koppen and Schreiner, Merrey, ; Claassen, ; Van Koppen and Schreiner, It is therefore not only prominent scientists that have power, the concepts they develop can also influence policy. This influence emanates from within South African and internationally. Since agential power gives actors the ability to influence their environment and each other Hobson, , , the NWRS2 indicates a measure of agential power.
This is due to the strategy's regulatory foundations and cost-benefit arguments. Through the NWRS2, however, the DWS embeds itself into a certain structural and material domain; positivism and the knowledge produced by natural scientists. The NWRS2 is bounded to these structures and cannot be separated from them and cost-benefit analysis.
The NWRS2 therefore exhibits despotic power Hobson, , that could potentially influence Government's governing capacity to implement the strategy. How can this reflexive agential power be enhanced? According to the theory of agential power, an actor can influence its governing capacity positively if it widens its network of collaboration Hobson, At first glance this would appear like higher reflexive agential power. It is arguably not, because not all South African citizens and interest groups submitted submissions.
Also, not all individuals are literate and were therefore able to submit submissions. It can be argued that only a certain class of society submitted submissions i. The list of submissions indicates that it was organised entities that dominated with a handful of individuals.
The written submissions show that the DWS asked for these indicating that Government is at the top of a hierarchy when consulting other non-state actors. It is therefore a case of the DWS governing and other societal actors benefiting. The ontology of the South African water sector is a bit more complicated than the structuralism and materialism influencing the NWRS2. Although equity and the environment are mentioned as priorities DWA, , the ontological complexity of issues is downplayed. It is good that the water cycle is mentioned for an advanced understanding of the country's water resources.
Nevertheless, the NWRS2 sketches an objective reality separated from individuals. It becomes more complicated when people see themselves participating, in one way or another, in the water cycle. For instance, an Eskom engineer has a certain view where the utility's power stations are located in the water cycle and how it influences the cycle through the use of water for power generation and cooling i.
An individual from a rural community that is reliant on a river for drinking water will view her place in the water cycle differently to that of the engineer. Her reality is different in that she would want a more reliable source of water to live a healthy life. It is these subjective notions of reality that is lacking in the NWRS2. Even so, and in all fairness, the NWRS2 is a strategy and not a specific tactic to tackle a specific problem. This highlights the notion of collective beneficiation Huntington, ; Hobson, where government structures engage with communal and natural and social scientific structures to widen the scope of issues impacting on the country's water.
This beneficiation can be achieved through formal and informal negotiations with other structures as well. This raises the issue of leadership. Since people define leadership as they see fit and depending on their context Alvesson and Spicer, , individuals could view the DWS's leadership of the NWRS2 in different ways. During fieldtrips we undertook for our various research projects, it is not uncommon to hear people say that government should provide them with water. I have never encountered an individual saying an irrigation board, or water user association or traditional leader, for that matter, should provide water.
This indicates government's leadership role being constructed as that of 'ultimate water provider'. It is also common to hear non-governmental organisations complaining that government is not doing enough to supply water and protect the environment. This construction is of government as 'absconder of water provision responsibilities' and 'irresponsible environmental custodian.
Something also has to be said about followers. Followers, whoever they may be, use their different meanings of leadership as levers to achieve or gain something Alvesson and Spicer, An interest group using a specific meaning of leadership might do so to increase its standing in society. Individuals could also use the meanings to vent their frustration to a situation or, at the extreme, mask ideological commitments such as contempt for a Black-majority controlled government and its entities.
It will not be possible to correctly interpret why people construct certain meanings of leadership. Yet, it is important for DWS officials to know that there is not just one warranted meaning of leadership and that people's different meanings could have real-world influences on governing.
In conclusion, water governance is not only about the interactive relationship between different actors to create opportunities and solve problems. Water governance is also about the way in which actors see the water governance landscape, filter it through paradigms and theories, and interpret what is happening and what the causal mechanisms are that influence the practice of water governance. What I am trying to say is that water governance does not only involve regulatory structures, the involvement of actors and material aspects.
The ideas generated by these actors through cognitive processes like theory formation and theory application are one of the most fundamental causal mechanisms of water governance. Because of the dominance of certain paradigms and theories, I believe that the South African water sector might not be as innovative as it should be. In other words, it is not living up to its potential to bring to the fore innovative ways of governing water resources. Tauris, London. Routledge, London and New York. Freshwater Ecosyst.
Engineers Australia May Challenges for the twenty-first century. St Clair, Chicago. Water Gov. Master's thesis, University of Florida, Gainesville. Department of Water Affairs, Pretoria. Transboundary Water Management: Principles and Practice. Earthscan, London. In: Guba EG ed. The Alternative Paradigm Dialog. BBC, London. Sage Publications, Newbury Park. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. In: Little R and Smith M eds. Perspectives on World Politics. Routledge, London.