Central Asia: In Search of a New Identity

Here's how the region the New York attacker immigrated from became fertile ground for terrorism
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Contemporary Art in Central Asia as an Alternative Forum for Discussions – Voices On Cental Asia

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None of these countries has yet developed a stable and sustainable political system. The fact that all had the status of union republics gave them a real advantage over states that emerged when England and France gave up their colonies, as the newly independent states in Central Asia were created complete with full-blown ministry structures in place, even if most had to cope with new tasks and find new sources of financing.

But how to best govern citizens remains a real challenge. Two of these countries are still headed by the men who were in charge when independence was gained. Nursultan Nazarbayev of Kazakhstan and Islam Karimov of Uzbekistan were appointed as first secretaries of their respective Communist parties in mid by then Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev, following ethnic rioting in both of their republics.

Both men were elected president in December All three have determined that their countries need a strong presidential and weak parliamentary system, and none has sought to institutionalize any sort of succession process. Rahmon is currently preparing to run for reelection in autumn , and Nazarbayev has signaled his intent to serve until his death as the constitution now allows him to run for president as many times as he wants. The best-case scenario in all three countries is that there will be a consensus among the ruling elite on a candidate for succession, preferably negotiated while the leader is alive, as insiders report was the case in Turkmenistan.

Saparmurad Niyazov died in December , but he is said to have had a succession plan in place since summer of that year. Of course, there is great concern virtually everywhere that unsuccessful political transitions could serve to provoke civil unrest in at least a mild form, as in Kyrgyzstan, where two presidents were relatively bloodlessly ousted and where even the related June ethnic unrest in Osh was mild by comparison to the revolutions in Libya or Syria.

This is also a vision that frightens observers in the international community. But while the United States and the European Union counsel that only greater democratization will prevent this, Russian and Chinese policymakers warn that better security policies are necessary and that opening up societies too quickly is the cause of unrest rather than the way to prevent it.

Yet it is far from clear how much outside actors will be able to influence these developments or how deep their commitments to do so are. When looked at rather cynically, it appears that most international actors have sought to influence developments in Central Asia to advance their national agendas or in pursuit of their own ideological goals. There is nothing strange in this, but it has helped foster what is obviously a degree of skepticism and distrust among leaders in the region.

This is true not only of states but also of the four largest international financial institutions, the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, the Asian Development Bank, and the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development. All of these institutions have sought, and have in fact played, a major role in the region. The banks have also been actively involved in helping the states work out ways to finance the social safety nets that populations in Central Asia had come to depend on in the post-Stalin era of Soviet rule. Policy recommendations in this area have often been a source of controversy, 13 as were the efforts of international donors to get the Kyrgyz Republic to accept debt relief as an HIPC—a heavily indebted poor country.

The World Bank faces its greatest test in the region as it prepares to publish its technical and environmental feasibility studies for the Rogun Dam project on the Vakhsh River in Tajikistan, a project that is strongly favored by Tajikistan as the solution to its economic woes and vigorously opposed by Uzbekistan as a threat to its water supply and its ecology more generally.

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The Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe OSCE has had a very mixed reputation in the region, having been seen both as doing too much and doing too little. It has been roundly criticized in most of the Central Asian countries for the standards it seeks to uphold in the conduct of elections.

The United States and the European Union have come in for their fair share of attacks for what many in Central Asia have termed their double standards. Kazakh politicians can cite the chapters and verses of the laws that govern religious organizations in the EU, including dress standards for public places, which they do repeatedly when EU officials or U.

And now many in the leadership of these countries fear that insult is about to be added to injury as the United States and NATO are slated to withdraw the overwhelming majority of their forces from Afghanistan in The Kazakhs are placing greater importance on tighter borders and new security efforts, and they gave public notice of this by holding their first military parade since independence on May 7, Both Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan are cooperating closely with Moscow to help facilitate this, but they have little choice given the dependence of both countries on the remittances sent home by the many hundreds of thousands of migrant workers living in Russia.

Although there is no talk of Kazakhstan leaving the Customs Union and Astana continues to endorse the goal of deepening integration, the Kazakh leadership shows no sign of actually moving closer to this Russian-sponsored plan. Then, of course, there is China, too generous to rebuff and too large to ignore.

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Central Asia: In Search of a New Identity [Igor P. Lipovsky] on dynipalo.tk * FREE* shipping on qualifying offers. The Western reader is not well acquainted with. CENTRAL ASIA: IN SEARCH OF A NEW. POLITICAL IDENTITY. Igor P. Lipovsky. In the aftermath of the break-up of the former Soviet Union, the Central Asian.

Over the past several years, China has become a major economic partner of each of these five countries through its low interest loans, capital investment in infrastructure, and natural resource extraction projects. It is interesting that while there is often a sense of doom and gloom about what might happen in Central Asia, none of the most concerned outside actors are particularly motivated to do much to deflect anticipated problems. One often hears both in Washington and in the region that the United States and NATO will respond if there is serious unrest in Afghanistan or in Central Asia that, like the attacks of September 11, , directly threatens U.

But it is far from obvious that this is the case. When the United States pressed for ISAF forces to be introduced in Afghanistan, it had not yet engaged in the nearly decade-long fight in Iraq that ousted Saddam Hussein but otherwise had very mixed results. Nor had it experienced the crumbling of regimes in Egypt, Libya, and especially in Syria, with the uncertainties, loss of life, and near total devastation that these three examples of regime collapse brought to each of these countries.

Zhar Zardykhan, "Between Two Worlds: The Ambiguities of Kazakhstan’s Search for its New Identity"

This will be the backdrop upon which any future U.