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Jennifer Sessions. In response to the nationalists, huge police identity-check operations - that had started in the early s - rounded up literally thousands of people on the street whom officers judged to be of 'Algerian' appearance. Repressive policing tactics in France and news of atrocities in Algeria, structural discrimination in the workplace, and a sustained attempt to forcibly assimilate migrants all reinforced Algerians' resistance to colonial rule and led to their support for the FLN. In response to the FLN, leading civil servant Maurice Papon was brought over from Algeria to police Paris in March , which resulted in a deepening of repression designed to intimidate all Algerians into submission.
The FLN responded to Maurice Papon's curfew on Algerians in October by organising a boycott, in the form of peaceful pro-independence demonstrations involving at least 30, Algerians marching through the streets of the capital on 17 October see image at top of place.
The traditional anti-Algerian hostility of the Paris police had been exacerbated by armed FLN attacks that had killed many of their colleagues. Many police officers therefore seized on the occasion to attack the Algerian protestors who had dared to challenge their ethnic and spatial segregation. Security forces killed over fifty Algerians on 17 October and over the next few days in detention centres. Algerians were shot, clubbed, and drowned, their bodies often thrown into the Seine. Over one thousand were injured, hundreds seriously.
Both the violence, and the relatively small-scale reactions from the French left, revealed the way in which, with some notable exceptions, Algerians were ostracized within France during this period. Decolonization would have many legacies for Algerian migration. Ever since, French governments have sought to restrict access to France for economic migrants. Algerian migration - and Algerians - remained extremely problematic from a state perspective: France had always looked to encourage European migration, judging Algerians to be ethnically distinct and undesirable on that basis since harder to 'integrate'.
The 'duty' France had as a colonial power had left governments with no choice but to accept greater Algerian migration to ease the increasingly tense political situation in Algeria itself. With fewer 'obligations' after , French governments continued to see Algerians' presence in France as temporary, as did the independent Algerian state under Ahmed Ben Bella and Houari Boumediene , since for Algeria, the persistence of large numbers of Algerians in France characterised a neo-colonial situation.
Accompanying the ever more restrictive French labour immigration measures, a policy of family re-grouping allowed the spouses and children of Algerian workers to come to live in France, subject to often exacting housing criteria. This process significantly transformed the profile of Algerian migration, marking the third 'stage' of migration described by Sayad, as many Algerian migrants decided to stay in France. However, Algerians continued to have severe difficulties regarding housing provision.
Public housing agencies continued to prioritise housing for nationals, European immigrants, and the hundreds of thousands of European settlers who had left Algeria in Furthermore, former colonial police and welfare officers from Algeria or Morocco were employed to 'oversee' the Algerian community, bringing with them attitudes and practices that prolonged policies initiated in the s and that had been intensified during the Algerian War. The period between and also represented a key transitional decade that established the way in which many official and media discourses continue to represent Algerian migrants and their descendants.
Such discourses singled out a 'second generation', the sons and daughters of migrants, over-simplifying the complexity of age groups and profile of Algerian migration by portraying one standardized migrant trajectory of male migrants 'followed' by wife and children in the s and s. This distorted the reality of migrant trajectories and histories, hiding the presence of migrant families during the Algerian War.
Secondly, such discourses presented young people as a 'problem': in a highly gendered discourse, post-colonial stereotyping of young Algerian males centred on criminalization, and alleged their refusal to 'integrate', whereas young women of Algerian descent were represented as 'passive' and 'submissive', and, in theory, more predisposed to 'integrate'. The negative targeting of young males had spatial dynamics since it now focused on the public housing estates and run-down banlieues where many Algerians and their families lived by the late s, areas and their inhabitants presented as a source of problems.
The pieds-noirs felt this to be highly inappropriate given that their place of birth, Algeria, was a part of France at the time. Indeed, it is hard to over-state the importance of the summer of to the pied-noir identity and worldview. Algeria now has specialist ports for the transport of goods and hydrocarbons. Bou Baghla was a relentless fighter, and very eloquent in Arabic. Algerians in France, — London : Macmillan ,
Algerians and their descendants were always the main targets of such representations, even if these were couched within the euphemism of 'immigrant', 'immigration' or 'young people'. Young people of Algerian descent were singled out by state exhortations to assimilate or 'integrate', and by the Front national 's insistence that they could not assimilate. They also had to contend with widespread discrimination within state institutions in particular the police and judicial system , and throughout sectors of French society.
Social movements led by those from Algerian communities challenged the fact that, while most descendants of Algerian migrants had French nationality and hence citizenship , they were not being treated equally within French society. Antiracist movements in and produced a new collective political actor, the beurs , a term derived from the French word arabe and altered using the urban slang of the French working class. For those of Algerian and Moroccan and Tunisian descent, self-identifying as beur was a way of expressing being French and having North African heritage.
Since then, in the context of socio-economic crisis, high unemployment, and widespread discrimination, many people of Algerian heritage have continued to feel excluded.
Consequently, the counter-cultural aspects of trans-national Islamic identity have achieved wider appeal, although the media often focus on the tiny fringe of radical Islam. Nonetheless, a growing middle class has also emerged - the so-called beurgeoisie - and cultural production notably film and fiction, but also music , associations and the media have flourished.
While young people were keen to show their rootedness in France, elements of their parents' generation, and newer arrivals from Algeria, have continued to be active challenging the regime in Algiers that was a one-party state until Political opposition in France has flourished amongst the Berber communities who argue for a definition of Algerian nationhood that is more mindful of Algeria's linguistic and cultural diversity and less centred on Arab-Muslim identity.
A final key dimension of the Franco-Algerian migratory dynamic is directly linked to colonial legacies. In , up to , Algerians harkis who had served - often against their will - in the French security forces, arrived in France fleeing massacre in Algeria by nationalist sympathisers. Additionally, their presence in France has constituted a source of tension between them and those migrants having actively supported Algerian independence: in some small French towns, these hostilities pervade social relations.
Use features like bookmarks, note taking and highlighting while reading Les migrations Algériennes en France - (French Edition). ) (French Edition) eBook: Emmanuel BLANCHARD: dynipalo.tk: Kindle-Shop . étudie la grande variété des migrations algériennes vers la France depuis le Histoire de l'Algérie à la période coloniale, (POCHES ESSAIS t.