zq-dev.quadmetrics.com/10135.php The argument for positing the zero article in such cases is, how- ever, built on thin ice again. At first blush it may appear to be based on a genuine structural contrast between two classes of English predicate nominals: a small one, comprising nouns that denote functions performed by single individuals 15 , and a far more numerous one, subsuming all other nouns, e. On closer inspection the evidence turns out, though, not to be so crystal clear.
It actually depends much more on the intention of the speaker and the context than on a difference in the denotations of the predicate nominals involved. Hewson , otherwise a staunch supporter of the zero article cf. Section 3. In 17 the view taken by the speaker is purely synchronic in that it zooms on the life of a single individual and asserts that his career included a stint as principal of the famous English public school, while 18 takes a wider diachronic view in that it places Dr Arnold in a long succession of individuals who have held this office in the past.
The function is clearly performed by only one person at a time, which explains why an overt article may be dispensed with in 17 , but, in the historical perspec- tive presumed in 18 , it has obviously been held by a number of individuals, which precludes leaving out the overt article Hewson The contrast invoked in order to justify positing the zero article in predicate nominals is then essentially much more pragmatic than structural, and, consequently, due to its con- text dependence, may not live up to the standards of con- stancy and transparency offered by prototypical paradigmatic oppositions relied on by structural linguists.
However, this deficiency pales into complete insignificance in comparison with the fact that the argument resting on this contrast is help- lessly circular. In other words the fact that some English predicate nominals do not take any overt article fi rst leads to the inference that this property singles them out as a separate subcategory of nouns and then it is claimed that all nouns forming that subcategory do not take any overt arti- cle because they trigger the use of the zero article.
The first inference, establishing a subclass of predicate nominals based on the absence of surface articles, is fully legitimate and typi- cal of the structural mode of thinking. The other one, claim- ing that membership in that subclass explains why no surface articles are used, is, though, merely the reversal of the first one, which is neither good logic nor linguistics, and fails to explain anything. The vicious circle could be easily broken by providing some independent evidence for the existence of the subclass of English nouns denoting offices held by single individuals, but no attempt at doing so has ever been made.
The contrast with the treatment afforded in that respect to proper names could not then have been greater. In the latter case most lin- guists postulating the use of the zero article took much care to prove first that proper names are structurally different from other nominals cf. As has been shown above, the attempts have been mostly futile, but they were made to provide an indepen- dent basis for positing the zero article and avoid charges of circularity. Since the same linguists have never taken any such steps in postulating the use of the zero article with predicate nominals denoting offices held by single individuals, it is hard to escape the conclusion that independent evidence substantiating that claim simply does not exist.
And that means that the zero arti- cle had been posited in such cases merely by analogy with other contexts where no surface articles are used in English. The ground for positing the zero article in such cases is much more firm than in the structures discussed in the two preced- ing sections as the use of the vocative is typically accompanied by a number of other direct discourse features cf.
The absence of surface articles is thus not the only piece of evi- dence supporting the recognition of the vocative as a distinct grammatical category in English and the claim that it requires the use of the zero article is certainly free of the charge of cir- cularity. English vocatives parallel then indefinite plurals and uncounta- bles in offering an ideal structural environment for positing the zero article.
In the latter case it is, though, a context calling for the use of an indefinite article, while in the former it is not. The fact that vocative nominals are prototypically used in direct dis- course to address hearers or readers, i. Students of English articles have classified these two cases as separate sources of information on the identity of referents, but both of them are unquestionably sufficient to make a nominal definite Hawkins The Application of the Zero Article 19 Positing the zero article with English vocatives runs thus into the problems already noted in discussing proper names above cf.
The zero article would have to be both definite and indefinite at the same time to accommodate vocatives as well as indefinite plurals and uncountables, which, in turn, would make it a most unlikely grammatical entity cf. The information supplied by the numeral guarantees fool- proof identification of the referent, which makes the nominal unquestionably definite.
In contrast to vocatives, independent evidence for the distinct status of such structures and positing the zero article is, however, unavailable. And that means that in cases like 21 the zero article has been posited merely by anal- ogy with other contexts where no surface articles are used in English cf.
The rationale for giving these usages a sepa- rate treatment rather than discussing them along with uncount- ables, whose prepositional uses look exactly the same in taking no overt articles, is the assumption that the nominals in ques- tion remain countable even when it is not explicitly marked in any way Quirk et al. Descriptive grammars typically present each subgroup against the backdrop of contrasts in article use that arise when the same nominal is combined with a different prep- osition, which is also followed below.
The evidence furnished by any such examples is, however, spu- rious. To start with, the traditional classification is obviously incomplete as there are many more cases of potentially count- able bare nominals following prepositions in English than the descriptive categories quoted above can handle. What is far more important, though, is the fact that the only evidence offered in support of positing the zero article in any such cases is the absence of overt articles. The usages illustrated above do help to explicate the meaning that arises when no sur- face article is used, e.
Likewise, there is no independent evidence for presuming that the nominals involved remain countable when governed by prepositions. They might as well be analyzed as uncountables, especially in the light of studies claiming that all English nomi- nals are capable of developing both countable and uncountable senses, e. Gleason or Allan The lack of sufficient grounds to postulate the use of the zero article in the structures illustrated above is indirectly admitted even by those descriptive grammarians who always rely on that concept to account for any cases where no surface articles are available.
For example, before invoking the zero article to explain the pattern illustrated above, Quirk et al. Given their non-compositional meanings, inflexible word order and alliterative rhythm, these structures look even more idio- matic than the prepositional usages reviewed in the previous section, but the only piece of evidence in support of positing the zero article in cases like 29 — 30 is again the absence of any overt articles. As has been shown above cf.
For expository purposes they are traditionally subdi- vided into a number of smaller sets on the basis of the mean- ings they typically carry and this custom is followed below. In the now sadly familiar pattern no independent evidence for positing the zero article is, however, provided again. The claim rests only on the fact that no surface articles are usually taken by the nominals in question but that, as has been shown in Sections 2.
Chapter 3 Previous accounts Since the uses of the zero article reviewed in the preceding chapter have been mostly postulated on the basis of scant or no evidence at all, it is understandable that few linguists have tried to integrate them into wider accounts of English articles. The task of unifying in a single theory the definite and indefinite uses of the zero arti- cle in both numbers and in a variety of restricted contexts simply proved to be daunting and majority of scholars evaded it by limit- ing their interests to the overt articles.
The zero article was left to the authors of descriptive and pedagogical grammars, who used it profusely to explain away irregularities in English usage but took its meaning for granted and did not explore it in any detail. The only linguists who took up that challenge are John Hewson and Andrew Chesterman and their theories, pub- lished as Hewson and Chesterman , respectively, will be now reviewed below along with the proposal originally put forward in Jespersen and a partial account offered in Langacker b.
More fragmentary contributions to the understanding of the zero article, e. Gundel, Hedberg and Zacharski , Stvan , Stvan or Huddlestone and Pullum will be invoked in discussing the usages they actually apply to in later chapters of the book.
The use of the definite article was claimed to indicate famil- iarity with the referent of the nominal, and the choice of the indefinite article its lack. In order to accommodate a three-article system the binary contrast was expanded into a scale with three degrees of famil- iarity summarized in the table below Table 1. The terminology is quoted after the original and explained in square brackets wherever it departs from current usage. As shown in the rightmost column, the pattern contains no gaps and in line with the traditional definition of the article its use in English nominals is claimed to be mandatory.
However, the clarity of the pattern is only an illusion. While the meaning carried by each of the overt articles is captured in a single for- mula intended to account for a coherent range of uses, the zero article is posited for such an incoherent set of contexts that it is impossible to encapsulate its meaning in a single and consis- tent statement.
It is claimed to be the marker of both complete unfamiliarity and complete familiarity with the referent s of Table 1 Degrees of familiarity in Jespersen Degree of familiarity Type of nominal Article use 1 Complete Mass word [uncountable nominal] Zero article unfamiliarity Unit word [countable singular Indefinite ignorance nominal] article Unit word plural [plural countable Zero article nominal] 2 Nearly complete All types of nominals Definite familiarity article 3 Familiarity so Direct address vocatives complete that no Proper names article is needed God Father, uncle, baby, nurse and other Zero article members of the family circle Dinner and other regular meals Church, prison, town, etc.
If that state of affairs were to reflect the facts of English with any accuracy, it would be hard to see how and why the zero article should be used in that language at all. Despite that fundamental flaw this scheme has been copied in numerous descriptive and pedagogical grammars of English since its original publication in Jespersen Later authors refined the precision of the formulations describing the mean- ing of the overt articles and varied the range of contexts pre- sumed to trigger the use of the zero article, but the overall design of particular accounts remained in principle the same.
It strove to save at all costs the integrity of the view that the use of articles is mandatory, while the fact that it led to ascribing to the zero article a contradictory meaning was passed over in silence and never inquired into. It breaks with the long tradition of leaving the zero article in the limbo of oblivion and offers a completely new perspective on the role of articles in language.
To start with, Hewson notes that in any Indo-European language that has articles they are known to have developed over time and have not been inher- ited from the proto language Hewson This routine observation leads him to the conclusion that the key opposition in any Indo-European article system is the contrast between the zero article, which has been in use ever since, and overt articles, which are a later development.
An article system is therefore essentially binary in nature and in the case of English, where two overt articles have evolved, its structure may be easily diagrammed as shown below Figure 1. The two approaches differ, though, funda- mentally in identifying the causes of the obligatory nature of article use. Hewson does not rely in that respect on struc- tural analysis of language data or the philological definition of the category of the article, but draws instead on the model of language developed in the first half of the previous century by Gustave Guillaume.
The ceiling represents the world of abstract conceptions, the floor that of concrete reality. Under the ceiling hang a number of balloons; they are the words as they exist in language as opposed to speech , and a dictionary is in fact a plan of the ceiling with its crowd of bal- loons. In order to make those balloons which represent sub- stantives available in speech they must be brought down to the floor. This is done by attaching to each of them a weight, and this weight is an article. In other words articles simply have to be used if anything is to be said at all, and any context where overt articles are inadmis- sible automatically turns into first-rate evidence of the existence of the zero article.
The most immediate task any researcher working in that framework has to attend to is thus not providing adequate rationale for positing the zero article but identifying the meaning it carries. According to Hewson the overt articles restrict the meaning of the nominals in a number of ways, while the zero article ren- ders it as broad and general as possible: The bare unqualified noun article zero calls into play all the potential values together; in those cases where such an actual significate is sought for, the noun with article zero will be therefore satisfactory, but in cases where a more restricted sense is required, the articles or other defi ners will be used [.
It may repre- sent, in fact a concrete reality, but a reality without clarify- ing exterior form, a mass-word or continuate. Add an article and the concept is given form and becomes a thing-word or class-word; the threshold in English lies between the pre- sentation of the notion as a formless, non-numerical entity, and its presentation as a separate singular entity, member of a class and necessarily having form. This view of the zero article is then in a perfect match with the pattern found in uncountable nominals and a variety of prepositional phrases that do not require the use of any overt articles, e.
However, there are a number of contexts where this perspec- tive on the zero article fails to follow actual usage. The most glaring case of such an inconsistency is the article pattern found in English proper names. At first Hewson claims that the natural choice is the use of the zero article: When the speaker wishes to use a noun to express in discourse a significate equal in scope to the potential significate, it is obvious that no [overt, LB] article will be needed or used. This is in fact the almost universal usage with the proper noun, except in those cases where a restriction in the full sense is intended.
Hewson 76 In other words it is claimed that the denotations of proper names always contain only one element i. Later on the facts of English force Hewson to concede, though, that the pattern illustrated above is only the tip of the iceberg and there are scores of proper names that always take the definite article whether restrictive modifiers are used or not Hewson — , e. Consequently, even though proper names are claimed to be paradigm cases of the use of the zero article cf. As shown in the quotation cited above, in the system put forward in Hewson the bare noun is nothing more than a synonym of the zero article.
And secondly, the model would not be saved even if it did in fact support posit- ing that definite article function since many referents of those proper names that always take the definite article are very well bounded on their own and do not need any external sources to provide them with outer boundaries, e. Serious objections may also be raised against positing the use of the zero article in indefinite plurals and predicate nominals as the conceptualizations induced by such structures are not in any way necessarily unbounded, formless and abstract, e.
In 44 the plural nominal clearly refers to three separate human beings, while in 45 the subject is said to have become a new monarch, i. The range of the data to be accounted for is thus much too broad to be adequately captured by the framework put forward in Hewson It offers a fair number of genuine insights that will be referred to in later chapters of this book, but it fails as an overall answer to the question why the overt articles may be left out in English so frequently. One way of doing so was to adopt more transparent and consistent terminology. Another and far more original one was postulating the existence of two covert articles.
The benefits fol- lowing from taking the first of these two steps are obvious and need not be inquired into.
The consequences of the second one will now be examined in detail below. The rationale for positing two covert articles is quite simple. Since all previous frameworks failed because they insisted on pos- iting a single zero article to account for a range of data that was too wide to be adequately captured in one formula cf.
The choice of the dividing line was also quite straightforward. As is well known cf. Consequently, Chesterman posited two corresponding covert articles. The former, in line with the tradition initiated in Jespersen , was called the zero article, and the latter was labeled the null article. The proposal is thus built on the assumption that the use of articles is obligatory in all nominals, i. The introduction of two covert articles shadowing the contrast observable in overt articles is intended, though, to ensure a better fit between the theory and the facts of the English language than was the case before.
In order to achieve that goal Chesterman identified three variables that are instrumental in shaping the English article system: locatability, inclusiveness and extensivity. The concept of locatability denotes the ability to identify i. The basis for doing so is the cognitive environment of the inter- locutors: their general knowledge, the immediate situation of the utterance, previous discourse or associations triggered by contextual clues.
And finally the notion of extensivity not to be confused with extension! The first two terms were introduced in Hawkins and later refined by a number of scholars, e. The third one was pioneered by the French linguist Guillaume decades earlier in his writings on the zero article cf. In Chesterman all the three variables are combined into a matrix describing the key properties of the five English articles that he posits Table 2.
The meanings of the two covert articles may thus be glossed as follows: the zero article is compatible with any nominal whose referent is a non-locatable set that has at least two mem- bers, and the null article is compatible with any nominal whose referent is a locatable one member set Chesterman The claim that in both cases the referent is a set itself and not its member or members reflects the unlimited extensivity of the nominals taking the covert articles, i.
The locatability of individual members of the set depends, however, on their number. The restriction on set membership reflects thus the difference in locatability between the null and zero articles indicated in Table 2.
In practice the zero article is thus a natural choice for uncountable and plural nominals with the proviso that in non- referential environments the set in question is a set of prop- erties , while the null article is applicable in more definite contexts. As noted by Chesterman, the paradigm case exem- plifying the operation of the null article is its use with singular proper names Chesterman 55 , e. It is a well- known fact that besides singular proper names that do not take any overt articles unless they are modified, there are also scores of English singular proper names that always require the use of the definite article whether they are modified or not, e.
However, the theory does not explain in any way how to tell those proper names that take the null article from those that do not and are preceded by the overt definite article. Chesterman is clearly aware of the problem, but does not offer any viable solution. It is a reasonable assump- tion that the various occurrences of null have something in common, although it is difficult to state precisely what this shared semantic feature is. Part of the difficulty lies in the pragmatic basis of all of article usage, with its inherent fuzzi- ness and variation.
And part is due to the extreme abstract- ness of concepts like extensivity which tend to defy exact formulation. But this should not detract from the insight itself underlying the generalization that Guillaume, Hewson and others are getting at. Chesterman 86 The proposal put forward in Chesterman fails thus to specify the conditions under which the null article is licensed with singular proper names and the same defect recurs in other contexts. For example, Chesterman claims that the null article is used with designations denoting times of day and night or nominals with postmodifying numerals Chesterman 55 , to name only two cases, e.
Chesterman only notes the fact that overt articles are not admis- sible in a given context and concludes on this basis that it is a structure inviting the use of a covert article. That, however, is helplessly circular. The observation that a nominal does not take any overt article is fi rst presented as evidence for the claim that it takes a covert one, and then the covert article is presented as the explanation of the fact why the overt article is not used.
The second step is merely the reversal of the first one, which is nei- ther good logic nor linguistics, and fails to explain anything. Consequently, the framework developed in Chesterman does not stipulate testable conditions under which its claims hold and fails to provide any grounds for predicting the usage of the covert articles it posits. Despite offering a number of interesting insights that will be referred to in later chapters of this book, it is thus unable to account for the cases where English allows no overt articles. Langacker , Langacker a elaborated in Langacker b and further refined in his later publications e.
Langacker is much wider than most of the frameworks examined above in that it puts forward an entire model of lan- guage. However, pursuing much farther reaching goals, the cognitive framework developed by Langacker does not shy away from English bare nominals as linguistic theories typically do and the solution it sketches will be reviewed below.
Previous Accounts 37 One of the fundamental tenets of cognitive grammar is the statement that a noun profiles an abstract region in a cognitive domain, i.
In any nominal used in discourse the entity profiled by the noun is then both instantiated, i. The prime exponents of grounding referred to in cognitive grammar as grounding predications are obviously articles occasionally supplanted by demonstratives and other determiners Langacker b: The claim that grounding is obligatory basically means then that any nominals have to be equipped either with an article or some other grounding predication able to perform the same function.
Consequently, whenever overt articles are omitted cognitive grammar presumes that grounding has been accom- plished by some other devices Langacker b: 96— In plural and uncountable nominals Langacker opts for the traditional solution and posits the zero article Langacker b: , which is somewhat disappointing given the non-structural tenor of the cognitive paradigm he spearheaded.
The function and range of use of the zero article postulated in Langacker b are then essentially the same as stipulated in Chesterman , even though Langacker merely takes the existence of the zero article for granted and does not discuss its conceptual con- tent. Here the motivation is evidently the avoidance of redundancy, for a proper name conveys the essential content of the as part of its own semantic structure.
As a consequence, mention of the name itself is presumed capable of establishing mental contact with the unique instance of the type. Langacker b: — This proposal is not elaborated in any detail and, consequently suffers from the same drawbacks as the theories reviewed above: it does not stipulate any testable conditions specifying when this type of cognitive mechanism economizing on article use is acti- vated, which proper names invite its use, how they differ from those that take the overt definite article anyway, etc.
Langacker b: As has been shown in Berezowski and Radden, G. Dirven , the solution sketched in Langacker b can, however, be successfully developed into a viable account of article use with English proper names that dispenses with the concept of the zero article. The approach outlined in Langacker b offers thus a glimmer of hope for breaking the vicious circle of theories that keep positing covert articles to explain why the overt ones can be dispensed with but on closer scrutiny fail to account for anything.
The applicability of this solution to other cases where the zero article has been traditionally postu- lated in English remains, though, uninvestigated. Chapter 4 Article grammaticalization The solution of the puzzle of the zero article to be presented below is based on the results of recent inquiries into the rise and spread of articles in a number of languages.
The point of departure for developing an account that is robust enough to explain why English overt articles are not needed in the con- texts surveyed in Chapter 2 above is thus the theory of gram- maticalization, i. The students of grammaticalization assume the starting point for the rise of a particular category known from histor- ical research and then review synchronic and diachronic data to verify how far that development has progressed in a sample of languages.
The differences in the degree to which that cate- gory has been grammaticalized in particular languages, i. The reconstruction of the grammaticalization path from a numeral to the grammatical marker of indefinite- ness has revealed five characteristic stages of that process that will now be summarized after Heine 72—74 Table 3. As shown by the descriptions in column three, the article gains a new function or functions on each stage of its grammati- calization but, at the same time, it retains the ability to perform the functions typical of the preceding stages of that process.
For example, having reached stage three the indefinite article is presumed to be also used in contexts characteristic of stages one and two, but it is obviously unable to perform the gram- matical functions yet to be developed on stages four or five.
The grammaticalization path outlined above is thus implicational in the sense that locating the stage reached by the article in a given language implies both the range of functions it should be already able to perform and the set of applications presumed to lie outside its reach so far. The descriptions leave also no doubt that the range of con- texts in which the evolving article can be found keeps expand- ing, which means that the conditions on its use are more and more relaxed on each stage of its grammaticalization path.
In other words, the lexical meaning of the numeral one is gradually diluted and replaced by the increasingly schematic grammati- cal meaning carried by the article, i. Stage name Range of grammatical function Example 1. For instance, by the time the evolving grammatical form eventually comes to be used with plural and uncountable nominals cf. In line with typical grammati- calization patterns this change is also accompanied by substan- tial erosion of the phonetic form of the evolving structure as fully fledged indefinite articles are usually made up of fewer sounds than the sources they arise from Heine 76 and are stressed only in exceptional circumstances.
The growth in the range of applications of the marker of indef- initeness may also eventually lead to the rise of two indefi nite articles to divide that functional load more effectively Chung and Ladusaw Grammaticalization may never start, proceed at different rates in particular languages or come to a halt and remain incomplete Hopper and Traugott The path merely shows the direction the process takes once it has been set in motion and the potential for its development broken down into observable stages.
At the same time, though, it provides a convenient yardstick to measure how far a given form has evolved and predict what further uses it may be put to. In the case of English the indefinite article has already spread into a number of non-specific, non-referential and generic uses, which means that it has reached stage four. There is, though, ample room for further development both on that level and on the next one.
Heine and Kuteva The preference for the distal demon- strative is, however, not a cast iron rule as there are isolated but well-documented instances of definite articles that developed from the medial demonstrative in a deictic system distinguish- ing three degrees of proximity.
After making coffee, I used to check email immediately. McKay's research suggests that this, combined with confusion between a letter and a number, contributed to the invention of 'Patient Zero' and the global defamation of Dugas. Many companies are using more and more recycled paper in product packaging. In contrast, the mainstream Christian version exemplified in 70 obviously upholds the divinity of Christ, which is duly reflected in the choice of the article pattern. Genome sequences of HIV on the east coast are much more similar to the main early California virus than to the virus from Dugas, Worobey and colleagues note. Given these facts it is evident that reliance on pragmatic infer- ence in conveying information on the definiteness and indefi- niteness of nominals is by far the most popular and unmarked case Heine and Kuteva 98—
For example, the origin of the definite articles used now in Balearic Catalan and Sardinian have been traced back to the Latin medial demonstrative ipse, and not to the distal one as is the case in most Romance lan- guages Vincent — The grammaticalization path modeling the life cycle of the article arising from all types of demonstrative sources will now be summarized after Hawkins Table 4.
In line with the fundamental tenets of grammaticalization studies the model outlined above is again implicational, the lexical meaning of the evolving grammatical form is gradually bleached and its phonetic properties eroded. In other words, each time an article reaches a particular stage in its evolution it is presumed that it has also completed all previous stages pos- ited in the model but has not developed any functions typical of more advanced levels yet, while the conditions on its use and phonetic form slowly diverge from the meaning and pronuncia- tion of a standard demonstrative in a given language.
The two latter changes are closely interrelated. The conditions of use keep relaxing, which boosts the range of contexts invit- ing the application of the article, while its phonetic form keeps shrinking. The gradual emergence of a more schematic, gram- matical meaning of the definite article is thus accompanied by the loss of stress, rise of weak forms and general reduction of its phonetic prominence Lyons The former demonstrative indicates that the referent of a Hausa nominal is known to the speaker and can be identified by the hearer on the basis of information furnished by: immediate context of the utterance, previous discourse between the interlocutors, knowledge of facts unrelated to immediate context of the utterance or previous discourse between the interlocutors, inference triggered by referents mentioned in previous discourse; on the condition that the nominal is always given a non-generic interpretation.
The former demonstrative indicates that the referent of a English, nominal is known to the speaker and can be identified by the German, hearer on the basis of information furnished by: immediate Dutch, context of the utterance, previous discourse between the Swedish, interlocutors, knowledge of facts unrelated to immediate Danish, context of the utterance or previous discourse between the Norwegian interlocutors, inference triggered by referents mentioned in previous discourse between the interlocutors; whether the nominal is given a generic or non-generic interpretation.
The former demonstrative indicates one of the two Samoan, following possibilities: i the referent of a nominal is Tongan known to the speaker and can be identified by the hearer on the basis of information furnished by: immediate context of the utterance, previous discourse between the interlocutors, knowledge of facts unrelated to immediate context of the utterance or previous discourse between the interlocutors, inference triggered by referents mentioned in previous discourse between the interlocutors whether the nominal is given a generic or non-generic interpretation; ii the referent is known to the speaker but unidentifiable to the hearer, i.
Article Grammaticalization 45 that process may be the merger of the article with exponents of other grammatical categories, e. For a survey of languages where such developments have been noted cf. For a more detailed discussion of the issue in German and French cf. Lyons — In a still further going development the article may ultimately lose the status of a free morpheme and become a clitic or an affix. For a review of European lan- guages that have undergone that process cf.
For a wider but less up-to-date survey spanning the whole world cf. Diamonds may be forever but they are non-trivial to produce; applications that are forever may be nearly as challenging to create. Your downtime costs could be measured in hundreds of dollars per hour or millions of dollars per hour, and your downtime risks could be measured in billions of dollars.
An automated trading system that is down during a market correction event could quickly represent a multi-billion dollar loss. But in truth downtime is no longer about the costs and risks of crisis. Elastic microservices address both capacity adjustment and transparent failover at the application layer. Nonstop IT is also how BlueGreen has gone from a classic Crayola color to a model for continuous deployment of applications, the Julia Child approach of one-I-prepared-earlier.
Switching over between full application stacks at the web service level is an elegantly blunt solution for live application evolution. So for all greenfield applications that are stateless, the recipe for nonstop IT is in place. For everything else there is, of course, a much bigger problem. The world of databases, specifically, is considerably more challenging. Planned database downtime and unplanned database downtime are the hardest challenges as we strive for the plenty-of-nines service-level agreement SLA. The RDBMS administrator is faced with a spectrum of alternatives , with a set of trade-offs for each.
A typical answer to live upgrades is to use Oracle Data Guard to create an active standby and bravely leap from old to new. In the best case, these help to reduce downtime but are not architected as zero-downtime solutions. And naturally, the people and tools costs can be quite significant. If the nonstop IT imperative leads away from traditional single-server databases and toward cloud-native databases, then what realistic alternative directions are emerging for an organization building and migrating applications for elastic infrastructures? The answers really fall into three categories:.
The study is a lesson in how scientifically and ethically difficult it can be to identify a 'patient zero', says McKay. The quest for scientific understanding of the disease had a very real impact on the man and his family. The story originally said that Dugas was unlikely to be sexually active as a teenager, and attributed this to McKay. In fact, McKay did not say this. The story has been changed to reflect this. Auerbach, D. McKay, R. Worobey, M. Sara joined Nature in and writes about biomedical research and policy.
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