wan-chan.site/wp-content/184.php Across the world there are differences in the sex ratio at different life stages. This imbalance in the male and female population can in some cases be traced back to birth: in some countries the number of boys and girls born each year is significantly skewed. In the chart below we see the differences in sex ratio at birth across the world.
Here the sex ratio is measured as the number of male births for every female births; a value greater than indicates there are more boys than girls born each year. A figure of would indicate that there are male births for every female births. The first striking point is that in every single country of the world there are more boys born than girls. This has been true for all years for which we have data as far back as in all countries of the world, as you can when you move the timeslider below the map further back.
Does this mean every country selects for boys prior to birth; for example, through induced abortion practices which preferentially select for boys? Not necessarily. For most countries, there are around males per female births. This is also defined as the 'expected' sex ratio at birth: in the absence of gender discrimination or interference we'd expect there to be around boys born per girls, although this can range from around to boys per girls.
As we see in the next section, some male-bias in births is what we would expect with no deliberate gender selection through parents or society more broadly. There are, however, some key outliers: in countries including China, India, Vietnam, Pakistan, and Azerbaijan this ratio is very skewed. Here deliberate selection practices explain part of the high sex ratio as we will see below.
In the absence of selective abortion practices, births in a given population are typically male-biased — the chances of having a boy are very slightly higher than having a girl. In the most comprehensive study of its kind, Orzack et al. A key result from this study was that the sex ratio at conception is equal: there is no difference in the number of males and females conceived.
For births to be consistently male-biased, there must be gender differences in the probability of miscarriage through pregnancy. Results found that the probability of miscarriage varies between genders depending on the stage of pregnancy:. Although the probability of miscarriage varies between genders across the course of a pregnancy, female mortality is slightly higher than male mortality over the full period. This is a key reason that explains why the birth ratio in all countries is male-biased. Most countries have a sex ratio at birth which is around the expected range of boys born for every girls.
There are exceptions to this: there are countries — most notably in Asia — with highly skewed sex ratios in favor of males. The preference in some countries for a son is seen in the overall sex ratio at birth figures above. But this bias is even stronger when we look at how this ratio is affected by the birth order of children.
In the visualization below we look at the case of India and how sex ratios change from the 1st child in a family through to the 2nd, 3rd, 4th, and 5th born children. It presents this data in two cases:.
Let's first focus on the top row, which presents the data for India as a whole. On the left-hand side we have the sex ratio at birth when the child is not the last. For the 1st children, the sex ratio is very close to what we would expect 'naturally': a ratio of around boys per girls. But we see that for the 2nd, 3rd, 4th and 5th born children, this ratio is skewed towards girls.
Remember again that this is the case when it's not the last child i. In other words this shows us that when a girl is born, parents are more likely to have another child. It is evidence that parents are continuing to have children until they get a son. Compare this to the right-hand side where we see the sex ratio when the child is the last. These ratios are much more skewed towards boys. Parents whose 1st child is a son are much more likely to stop having children.
The sex ratio here is boys per girls.
This is consistent across the birth order: whether it's the 2nd, 3rd, 4th or 5th child, a family is much more likely to stop having children when they have a boy. Combined we see a strong preference for a son in India: parents are more likely to continue having more children when the child is a girl and they are more likely to stop having children when they have a boy. Now compare these ratios to that of Indonesia in the second row below. Sex ratios here do not diverge strongly from the expected ratio of , and there is no clear difference when the child is or isn't the last to be born.
Parental choices do not point to a strong preference for a son or a daughter. In the third row we see that within India there are large differences in son preference across different states. The data shows that there are states with 'weaker' and 'stronger' preference for a son. From the study presented above we see that the sex of a child can, in some countries, be an important deciding factor for when parents stop having children. But birth order also influences the likelihood of prenatal sex selection PSS i.
We see evidence of this across several countries. Researchers looked at Indian national survey data from to to see how the sex of children and birth order affects the use of prenatal selection. This was mainly a result of male selection for the 2nd or 3rd child within a family. When the firstborn or the first- and second-born siblings were female then a boy was much more likely the 2nd or 3rd child. This skewed ratio can only be explained from prenatal sex selection in favor of boys.
At a local level, a study of a large Delhi hospital known for maternal care showed very similar results. But this got significantly worse when the family already had a daughter: girls per boys if there was one previous girl and only girls per boys for two previous daughters.
Even for women who had not practiced sex-selection abortion, more mothers who had previously had a girl reported taking traditional medicines which were ineffective for sex selection purposes. These examples are of course not restricted to India. Many countries across Asia in particular have similar findings.
In the chart below we see how the sex ratio in South Korea was affected by birth order. Here we see a very steep rise in the sex ratio of third-, fourth- and later children through the s. By the early s there were more than boys per girls for third-born children; for fourth-born or higher, the ratio was close to This occurred at a time the number of children per woman was falling quickly : in its fertility rate was 4. South Korea's sex ratio has fallen back to close to natural levels over the past few decades.
You can also view the data for China, by using the "change country" button in the bottom-left of the chart. Clearly sex ratios in China have also been affected by birth order. But we see a much more significant skew in the ratio for second or third-born children. For third-born children, the ratio was boys per girls, suggesting a high prevalence of sex selection abortions. South Korea provides an important example where the male bias can be successfully addressed. But for several countries across Asia this looks like a major challenge: the data shows many parents are still desperate for a son.
Sex ratios — the ratio of males and females — at birth is male-biased across every country in the world; in our section on this , we explain why biologically we'd expect this to be the case. The so-called 'expected' sex ratio at birth was around males per females. But how does this ratio look later in childhood? Does it change from newborns to five-years-olds? In the charts below we see two perspectives: firstly a global map of the sex ratio at five years old. Just as with the sex ratio at birth, we see the highest ratios in several Asian countries where the share of boys is higher than we would expect.
In China, there is close to boys per girls at age five; in India, there are more than boys per girls. Secondly we see a scatterplot comparison of the sex ratio at birth on the y-axis versus the ratio at five years old on the x-axis. The grey line here represents parity: a country which lies along this line has the same ratio at five years old as it does for birth.
As we see, most countries lie above this line: this means the sex ratio for newborns is higher than for 5-year-olds. In other words, the male-bias tends to weaken through the first years of childhood. Why is this the case? As we explore in the next section of this entry: across most countries infant and child mortality rates are higher for boys than for girls.
This means fewer boys survive the first few years of life. For most countries this results in a decline in the sex ratio. Overall we see that despite higher child mortality in boys, the sex ratio at age five in the majority of countries is over this means boys still outnumber girls in childhood. From life expectancy to mental health ; substance use to cancer rates ; there are important differences in health outcomes between the sexes. In a related post, my colleague Esteban looks at the evidence to answer the question " Why do women live longer than men?
Here we focus on the youngest, asking, why do young boys die more often than girls? Child mortality measures the share of newborns who die before reaching their 5th birthday. In the chart below we see the comparison of child mortality by sex. Here, the mortality rate for boys is shown on the y-axis, and the mortality rate for girls on the x-axis. The grey line running diagonally across the chart marks where the mortality rate for both sexes is equal.
In countries which lie above the grey line, the rate for boys is higher than for girls. What's striking is that with exception of two countries — India and Tonga — child mortality is more common for boys in all countries of the world. This is also true for infant mortality , which is the share of newborns who die within their 1st year of life. We study why India and Tonga are outliers here. Over the past half-century in particular, child mortality has been falling rapidly across the world. This has been true for boys and girls alike. It has been known for a long time that the mortality of boys is higher.
As early as the physician, Dr Joseph Clarke, read a paper to the Royal Society of London on his observations that "mortality of males exceeds that of females in almost all stages of life, and particularly the earliest stages". First of all, it's important to understand what young children die from.
The book presents sex-disaggregated data for more than economies in an The Little Data Book on Gender (PDF); World Development Indicators. The little data book on gender is a quick reference for users interested in Date /04/16; Document Type World Development Indicators; Report.
Let's focus for now on infants in the first year of their life. What do they die from? In the chart below we see global mortality rates in infants across different causes in This data comes from the IHME's Global Burden of Disease study, which provides estimates by sex — on the y-axis I have plotted mortality rates in boys, and on the x-axis for girls.
Just like the charts above, causes which lie above the grey line are more common in boys. The chart shows that for all major causes of death, mortality is higher in boys. The sex differences in the causes of infant deaths were already documented almost a century ago: in an impressive paper published in , Bawkin explores the mortality sex ratio of specific diseases from countries across the world. The government responses to the recent price boom are also analyzed in this year's edition. Producing-country governments have been more prudent than during earlier booms, and because they have saved more of their windfall revenues, they are less likely to be forced to cut into spending now that prices have declined.
The spike in food prices tipped more people into poverty, which led governments to expand social assistance programs. Ensuring such programs are better targeted toward the needs of the very poor in the future will help improve the capacity of governments to respond effectively the next time there is a crisis. The book is organized by topics such as industrial production, inflation, financial markets, trade, and others that give an overview of the world's economy and its main conclusion is that global economy appears to be transitioning toward a period of more stable, but slower growth.
It also contains detailed information and figures by region where the figures show that growth is firming in developing countries, but conditions vary widely across economies. This report uses jobs as a lens to weave together the complex dynamics of employment creation, skills supply, and the institutional environment of labor markets and goes beyond the traditional links between jobs, productivity, and living standards to include an understanding of how jobs matter for individual dignity and expectations. It aims to provide an in-depth analysis of the labor markets in the Middle East and North Africa MENA and to identify the barriers to the creation of more and better jobs.
Like the rest of this series on little data books, it is organized by regional and income group data. It provides data on access to information and communication technologies ICTs which have seen tremendous growth. The usage of the internet, mobile phones will continue rising. The number of individuals using the Internet will reach an estimated 2. This publication is important because investment in information and communication technologies is associated with economic benefits as higher productivity, lower costs, new economic opportunities, job creation, innovation, and increased trade.
This publication provides comparable statistics on the sector for and across a range of indicators, enabling readers to readily compare economies. Such indicators cover the economic and social context structure of the information and communication technology sector, sector efficiency and capacity, and sector performance related to access, usage, quality, affordability, trade, and applications. The book contains reliable cross-country data on private sector development.
It is meant to make informed decisions when formulating responses to economic crises. Specially in the case of downturns which affect exports, investment, and growth negatively. It contains data on the investment climate by regions and by income groups. Some of the indicators included are on the economic and social context such as the investment climate, private sector investment, finance and banking, and infrastructure. This book contains data related to development and environment. Its main goal is to provide information to countries on the state of their environment and natural resources It contains more than 50 indicators for more than countries critical to the post development dialogue.
The chosen indicators are based on the Millennium Development Goals. Issues currently being discussed for SDGs and cover the three pillars of sustainability economic, social, and environmental. This report displays the region's recent economic developments and gives an outlook of South Asia's economic growth while presenting individual country briefs Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka.
This work describes how most developing countries have had little success in raising the share of manufacturing in production, employment, or exports. The measure uses three dimensions to calculate this score: 1 reproductive health measured by maternal mortality ratio and adolescent birth rates, 2 empowerment measured by proportion of parliamentary seats occupied by females and proportion of adult females and males aged 25 years and older with at least some secondary education, and 3 labor market participation rates.
It measures the human development costs of gender inequality, thus the higher the GII value the more disparities between females and males. With data collected over five years, the world average score on the GII is 0. The European Union member states have a lower percent loss of Sub-Saharan Africa experiences the largest loss of World Bank: Women, Business and the Law In , the World Bank published the third edition of Women, Business, and the Law , which analyses the legal differentiations on the basis of gender in economies around the world.
The report covers six areas in relation to gender: accessing institutions, using property, getting a job, providing incentives to work, building credit, and going to court. A seventh area, protecting women from violence, has recently been added for economies. Twenty-eight economics have 10 or more restrictions, and 25 of these countries are located in the Middle East, North Africa and Sub-Saharan Africa.
The report aims to shed light on the gender gaps in economic participation and opportunity. Using a survey of large employers in the OECD, the report looked at representation of women in business, measurement and target setting, work-life balance practices, mentorship and training, barriers to leadership and effects of economic downturn. The results displayed a variety of results for the companies and regions involved. The United States had the highest percentage of female employees at 52 percent and India had the lowest percentage of female employees at 23 percent.
Italy ranked highest on tracked salary differences at 56 percent, with Canada ranking highest on not tracking salary gaps at all at 50 percent. One hundred percent of companies in the United States and the United Kingdom offer their employees access to mentorship and networking opportunities, with Spain providing the lowest access at 21 percent of companies providing such programs. Since then, WEF has annually published a report measuring how gender gaps are changing and to what extent countries have closed their gender gap. It ranks countries on their overall performance, as well as on how well they do in four sub-categories.
Over nine years, the Scandinavian countries have been leading the pack with Iceland having closed the overall gap by